Intensive agriculture and socio-political development in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin, Michoacan, Mexico.

Intensive agriculture and socio-political development in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin, Michoacan, Mexico. Introduction Intensive agriculture played a pivotal role in the development ofarchaic states, but there is considerable debate concerning itsrelationship to population growth, climatic variability, andcentralization. One important example is that of the Tarascan State The Tarascan state was a state in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, roughly covering the geographic area of the present day Mexican state of Michoac��n. At the time of the Spanish conquest of Mexico it was the second largest state in Mexico. (Lake Patzcuaro Basin, Michoacan, Mexico (Pollard 1997) [ILLUSTRATIONFOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Newly discovered intensive wetland features, in the form of canalsand associated agricultural fields, allow the intensification questionto be assessed in this region for the first time. This new researchexamines the relationship between intensification, demography,environmental variability, and the emergence of social complexity forthe pre-Tarascan period. Relict RELICT. A widow; as A B, relict of C D. agricultural features are an amalgam ofsocio-economic process and landscape manipulation requiring multiplelines of archaeological and environmental data to decode. This synthesisis best accomplished through a landscape approach. Intensification in perspective Two types of intensification approaches can be defined based oncore assumptions [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. The first, the topdown and the bottom up type of approach (Chambers 1980; Erickson 1993a;Scarborough 1991) debates who, and with what resources, was able toconstruct water-management features. The more traditional and most oftenapplied top down approach, following the hydraulic hypothesis (Wittfogel1957), suggests that the complexity, large scale, technologicalsophistication so��phis��ti��cate?v. so��phis��ti��cat��ed, so��phis��ti��cat��ing, so��phis��ti��catesv.tr.1. To cause to become less natural, especially to make less naive and more worldly.2. and massive labour requirements of intensive agriculturerequire co-ordination, planning, management and possibly coercion, mostoften by the state (Kolata 1996; Matheny & Garr 1983; Sanders et al.1979; Stanish 1994). In this view, only state-level societies arecapable of absorbing the presupposed high labour, capital, andadministrative costs. Recent archaeological research has come to re-examine the top downapproach. Excavation and survey within the Lake Titicaca Lake Titicaca sits 3,812 m (12,507 feet) above sea level making it the highest commercially navigable lake in the world [1]. By volume of water it is also the largest lake in South America. Basin (Erickson1993a; Graffam 1992) has identified extensive tracts of raised fieldsand associated settlements that can be securely dated to periods thatprecede and post-date regional integration by the Tiwanaku state. Thesesystems also initially evolved and persisted in the absence ofpopulation or other stresses. Raised-field and canal systems have alsobeen located prior to regional integration contexts in other areas ofLatin America Latin America,the Spanish-speaking, Portuguese-speaking, and French-speaking countries (except Canada) of North America, South America, Central America, and the West Indies. (Doolittle 1990; Sluyter 1994). This has led Erickson toargue that raised-field farming was organized locally, producing, overtime, a totally human-made landscape (1993a: 371). The second type of approach is composed of explanations emphasizingdiffering evolutionary mechanisms for the adoption of agriculturalintensification. Either a prime mover prime mover:see energy, sources of. Prime moverThe component of a power plant that transforms energy from the thermal or the pressure form to the mechanical form. (push) or political economy (pull)based approach provides the impetus for intensification. The push-basedmode assumes that prehistoric farmers participate in a labour-intensivemode of subsistence as a response to some sort of resource imbalance,most often demographic. Thus, in this prime-mover-orientated approach,population pressure (Boserup 1981; Sanders et al. 1979; Turner et al.1977), becomes an evolutionary mechanism that is seen as a prerequisitefor intensive agricultural systems. In recent literature the systemicrelationship between population growth and agricultural intensificationfirst proposed by Boserup (1965) has been critically examined. As aresult there is a growing body of archaeological literature thatsuggests the lack of a causal link between demographic stress andagricultural intensification (e.g. Blanton et al. 1982; Brumfiel 1976;Feinman et al. 1985; Kowalewski et al. 1989). Political-economy-based explanations assert that intensification isa response to socio-economic systems promoting predictable surplus tofacilitate kin-based exchange, risk management, craft specialization andlineage-based demands for tribute (Brumfiel & Earle 1987;D'Altroy & Earle 1985; Price & Feinman 1995; Wright 1984).The crux of the difference between prime-mover andpolitical-economy-based perspectives is the emphasis placed on eitherexternal or internal mechanisms of evolution. In the push mode the locusof change is located outside the socio-economic sphere of human controlin an intrinsically expanding population. In contrast, political-economymodels see intensification as the result of human-driven strategies foragricultural surplus. In this view intensification is promoted byemerging elites to finance the acquisition of power. Both approaches to intensification have distinct implications forPatzcuaro prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to . For the top down and bottom up perspectivesconstruction timing is critical. Following the top down approachintensive agricultural features would depend on, and date closely to,the political unification and economic integration of the PatzcuaroBasin by the Tarascan state. In the bottom up perspective, agriculturalfeatures should pre-date basin integration. A second set of indicatorsfollow the political-economy approach. Intensive agricultural featuresshould be associated with emerging elites and the early development ofcomplex society. Support for the adoption of intensive agriculture as aresponse to resource imbalance is recognized, if construction offeatures generally coincided with such perturbations. Lake Patzcuaro: background Lake Patzcuaro is a shallow, highland lake Highland Lake may refer to: Cities, towns, etc.Highland Lake, Alabama Highland Lakes, New Jersey Water bodiesHighland Lake (Stoddard, New Hampshire) Highland Lake (Columbia Heights, Minnesota) on the Central MexicanAltiplano altiplano(ăl'tĭplä`nō), high plateau (alt. c.12,000 ft/3,660 m) in the Andes Mts., c.65,000 sq mi (168,350 sq km), W Bolivia, extending into S Peru. (Chacon 1993) whose basin shares many characteristics with themore familiar Basin of Mexico (elevation, vegetation, monsoonalclimate). There are some important differences, since the Lake PatzcuaroBasin is smaller (928 sq. km) than the Basin of Mexico (7000 sq. kin)and receives almost twice as much rainfall (900-1250 mm/year Patzcuaro,450-1000 mm/year Basin of Mexico (West 1948)). Much of the significant palaeoenvironmental research undertaken inCentral Mexico in the last decade (Metcalfe et al. 1989; O'Hara etal. 1993; 1994; Street-Perrot et al. 1989) has been within the PatzcuaroBasin. Since Lake Patzcuaro occupies a closed basin it is considered anamplifier lake and is highly susceptible to minor climate changes. Avery small decrease in overall rainfall combined with a concomitantincrease in temperature and evapo-transpiration rates can result inlake-level differences of [greater than]2 m per annum Per annumYearly. (West 1948). Minorclimatic fluctuations and resulting shifts in lake level, perhapsexacerbated by human environmental modification, have occurred with somefrequency in the past. Recent research has focused on a variety of lakecores recovered from the Mexican Highlands suggesting a series ofdroughts for the Patzcuaro Basin between [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1OMITTED] AD 700 and 1100 (O'Hara 1993; O'Hara et al. 1994).This would have resulted in a regression episode estimated to have beenbetween 10-13 m below the level of the lake at the time of Europeancontact. The prehistory of the Basin Prior to the formation of the Tarascan state in the 1350s little isknown about the prehistory of the Patzcuaro region. Two recentarchaeological projects in the southwest corner of the Patzcuaro Basinyield the only substantive data. The first is a full-scale survey of a150-sq.-km area between the modern towns of Patzcuaro and Erongaricuaro[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED] (Pollard 1998), and the second areexcavations from the sites of Urichu and Jaracuaro (Pollard 1995). Muchof this background is summarized from these two projects (TABLE 1). Inaddition a CEMCA CEMCA Commonwealth Educational Media Centre for Asia project of survey and excavation from the Zacapu basin(Michelet 1992) provides critical background information for aneighbouring region. The earliest occupation evidence comes through the presence ofmaize pollen in lacustrine la��cus��trine?adj.1. Of or relating to lakes.2. Living or growing in or along the edges of lakes.[French or Italian lacustre (from Latin lacus, lake) + cores dated to 1500 BC. In the LatePreclassic period ([greater than]AD 350) small village societies areknown from the adjacent Cuitzeo and Zacapu Lake Basins. No evidence ofthese lacustrine-orientated communities has yet been found within thePatzcuaro Basin (Pollard 1997). For the West Central Highlands Central Highlands is the name for several mountainous regions located in the center of the nations or geographical regions. Central Highlands (Central America) Central Highland (France) Central Highlands (Iceland) , a major shift in socio-politicalorganization begins in the Classic Period (AD 400-900) marked byincreasing extra-regional economic ties. Large, well-planned ceremonialcentres appear such as Tres Cerritos near the Cuitzeo lake Basin,Tingambato, located just outside the Basin, and Urichu, located in thesouthwest portion of the Lake Basin. These settlements contain ballcourts, mound groups with sunken plazas, and group tombs with exoticitems. Evidence of increasing social complexity includes a large grouptomb at Urichu containing multiple individuals associated with exoticgrave goods In archaeology and anthropology grave goods are the items buried along with the body.They are usually personal possessions, supplies to smooth the deceased's journey into the afterlife or offerings to the gods. Grave goods are a type of votive deposit. (c. AD 400). In addition to Urichu, several centres greaterthan 40 ha in size also emerge in the southwest portion of the LakeBasin. In the neighbouring Zacapu Basin the Classic period is associatedwith an expansion of smaller settlements away from the lakeshore(Michelet 1992). For Patzcuaro sites under 20 ha occur only on the threeislands found within the survey area located away from the Prehispanicshoreline. Severe upland erosion and lakebed sedimentation seen in laterprehistory is responsible for this disparity. The Early/Middle Postclassic (AD 900-1350) marked another majorshift in socio-political organization, due in part to a breakdown ofClassic-period exchange networks and a re-organization of the MexicanHighlands. Large, nucleated, defensible sites, such as El Palacio inZacapu (Michelet 1992) appeared while many smaller, less protected siteswere abandoned. In Patzcuaro (Early Urichu Phase (AD 900-1100)), therewas growth or expansion of major defensible upland centres andabandonment of much of the lake shore. This trend ended in the lateMiddle Postclassic (AD 1100-1350) with a major explosion in the locationand size of settlements. The Late Urichu period (AD 1100-1350) markedthe beginnings of centralization, social stratification Noun 1. social stratification - the condition of being arranged in social strata or classes within a groupstratificationcondition - a mode of being or form of existence of a person or thing; "the human condition" and economicintegration leading to the formation of the Tarascan state in the LatePostclassic (AD 1350-1525). Sites appeared in less defensible locations,such as the lakeshore zone, and new areas of the uplands were colonized.Large, truly urban centres grew dramatically in size and complexity withnew zones of monumental construction. This trend intensified during theTariacuri phase (AD 1350-1525), with the formation of the Tarascanstate. Evidence for agricultural intensification In 1996, we initiated a programme of landscape research within thesoutheast portion of the Lake Basin to locate, characterize and datePrehispanic agricultural features [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED](1998). A drop in the level of Lake Patzcuaro over the last decadeallowed our investigation to centre on the shallow Prehispanic lakemargin - an area especially sensitive to fluctuations in water level.During the early Hispanic period large-scale landscape abandonment ledto massive erosion blanketing much of this area with up to 4 m ofredeposited upland sediment (Fisher 1999). Thus no trace of thePrehispanic lakebed was visible on the surface. Mechanical trenches wereexcavated in areas thought likely to contain agricultural features (e.g.Erickson 1993b; 1994; Nichols & Frederick 1993); two (NT-2 and NT-3,[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]) contained evidence for canals andassociated agricultural horizons. To provide context, 16 locations fromthe immediate region, along with an additional trench (NT-1; excavated 1km south of NT-2 and NT-3 on the former lakebed), were examined[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Comparison between thesenon-modified sequences and the trenches containing canals allowed us toidentify anthropogenic an��thro��po��gen��ic?adj.1. Of or relating to anthropogenesis.2. Caused by humans: anthropogenic degradation of the environment. soils and sediments. A typical exposure in this region showed a very similar sequence ofdeposition related to both episodes of lake-level change andhuman-induced erosion [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. A tuff,composed of reworked lake sediments (diatomite) and volcanic ash See under Ashes.See also: Ash underlies the study area. This is followed by an organic-rich marsh soil(IX). Above this is a Prehispanic erosion episode, composed of laminatedclayey upland sediments ([ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED], NT-1)covered by a second marsh (VIII). The thickness and composition of theserythmites - deposited in open water - varies by proximity toarchaeological sites. The prehispanic portion of the sequence is thencapped with a third marsh soil (V) and buried under eroded uplandsediment deposited during the Hispanic period. These exposures can nowserve as a baseline to help detect anthropogenic modification. Trenches containing agricultural features were atypical fromadjacent exposures in two respects [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED].Surrounding the middle marsh (VIII) are two discontinuous discontinuous/dis��con��tin��u��ous/ (dis?kon-tin��u-us)1. interrupted; intermittent; marked by breaks.2. discrete; separate.3. lacking logical order or coherence. bands oforganic-rich, iron-cemented sediment (VII). These iron pans were eitherformed from the accumulation of precipitates through ponding or fromcontinual wetting and drying of the soil - both an indicator offluctuating water conditions. A second discordance discordance/dis��cor��dance/ (dis-kord��ans) the occurrence of a given trait in only one member of a twin pair.discor��dant dis��cor��dancen. noted for NT-2 and NT-3 are the lack ofrythmites formed from Prehispanic eroded sediment seen in relatedprofiles. What appears instead is a clayey, organic-rich, homogenous homogenous - homogeneous soil (VI). The formation of an incipient argillic horizon at the base ofthis soil indicates the translocation of clay in a non-inundatedenvironment making this a third drying episode. In general characterthis zone is strikingly similar to modern agricultural soils formed fromsimilar parent materials, suggesting a buried agricultural horizon.Cultural material was present throughout the sequence up to the highestmarsh (V). Ceramics recovered were consistent with a Classic periodoccupation but not phase specific. Seven AMS AMS - Andrew Message System dates were submitted from this locality with a tightdistribution between AD 120 and AD 850 as shown in FIGURE 3 (AD ages arethe intercept of radiocarbon age with calibration curve In analytical chemistry, a calibration curve is a general method for determining the concentration of a substance in an unknown sample by comparing the unknown to a set of standard samples of known concentration. , see Stuiver etal. 1993). Five of these dates form a column from the earliest canalfeature in NT-2 and two come from the lower portion of the sequence inNT-3. A date of AD 120 (1890[+ or -]40 b.p. Beta-102812) was obtainedfrom NT-3 on the contact between the first iron zone and the basal marsh(IX) marking the inception of a drying trend. The base of the secondiron pan dates to AD 605 (1480[+ or -]40 b.p. Beta-102813) effectivelybracketing the middle marsh (VIII). Dates of AD 680 (1330[+ or -]40 b.p.Beta-102805) and AD 775 (1260[+ or -]40 b.p. Beta-102807) were obtainedfrom the middle and top of the second iron zone (VII). The column endswith a determination of AD 885 (1170[+ or -]40 b.p. Beta-102811)recovered roughly one third of the way from the bottom of the clayeyagricultural soil (VI). This dated sequence records rapid and constantfluctuations in the level of Prehistoric Lake Patzcuaro for most of theClassic period. Between AD 120 and AD 775 two low lake stage events (thetwo iron cemented zones - VII) and one higher stage episode (the middlemarsh - VIII) are present. Above AD 775 a long-term regression of thelake is evidenced by the formation of the clayey soil (VI). This isburied by the final marsh (V) representing the Late Postclassic highstage recorded in the ethnohistoric literature (O'Hara 1993;Pollard 1993) and documented by the work of O'Hara et al. (1994). The relatively short temporal span of the deposition sequence fromthe Nocutzepo series of trenches suggest abrupt and rapid lake-levelchanges. These data support aspects of the lake stage model presented byO'Hara et al. (1993, 1994) for Lake Patzcuaro in that a laketransgression is clearly evident in the Early Postclassic as theysuggest. Problematic, however, is the failure of their core data to pickup the earlier episodes of lake-level flux in the Classic period. Thusthis study should serve as a cautionary tale for those who rely onlarge-scale climatic or other sets of data as proxies for local recordsof environmental change (e.g. Kolata 1996). Having established the general sequence of deposition and themanner of human modification we can now discuss the agriculturalfeatures discovered in 1996. Two episodes of canal building were presentin the Nocutzepo trenches. Canals extended across trench walls and werefilled with combinations of marsh, laminated silts or iron-pansediments. The earliest canal [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED],roughly a metre wide, was excavated into the basal marsh (IX), filledwith the first iron pan episode (VII), and then capped with the secondmarsh (VIII) before AD 590 (1500[+ or -]40 b.p. Beta-102811) Above this feature are two later canals excavated into the clayrich soil (VI) and filled with the final marsh (V). These features areroughly 3 m apart and between 40 cm and over i m wide. Between the twocanals is an organic-rich zone that is either an agricultural soil orzone of spoil from the adjacent canals. A 5-m-long tangential tan��gen��tial? also tan��gen��taladj.1. Of, relating to, or moving along or in the direction of a tangent.2. Merely touching or slightly connected.3. trench was also excavated at this site todefine the overall morphology of the area, resulting in a T-shaped plan.The sequence of deposition is the same for NT-2 and NT-3 but thedistribution of sediments differs in several key respects. The iron pan(VII) and middle marsh (VIII) zones occur only on the outer edges of theprofile. They are replaced in the centre by the clayey agricultural soil(VI) which rests directly on the basal marsh (IX). Thus these zones weredeposited against what may have been a raised planting platform relatedto the upper set of canals. Palaeobotanical samples indicate the presence of maize, based oncob phytoliths, for agricultural levels above the basal marsh (IX). Alsodiscovered were possible root crops and unknown seed or fruit resources(Deborah Pearsall, pers. comm.). The general sequence of sediments,morphology, presence of cultigens and characteristics of these featuresstrongly suggest an agricultural origin. Indeed they are very similar towetland agricultural features reported throughout Latin America(Erickson 1993a; Kolata 1996; Nichols & Frederick 1993; Parsons etal. 1985; Sluyter 1994). Whether they represent true Chinampas or are alocal wetland agricultural adaptation such as reported by Foster (1948)and West (1948) for the region is still a matter of debate. Discussion and conclusion Timing is critical for an evaluation of agriculturalintensification within the Patzcuaro Basin. The earliest canal appearsbetween AD 120 and 590 in the Classic period during the Lupe andJaracuaro phases. This is well before Basin integration by the Tarascanstate in the 1350s. These data confirm Erickson (1993a) that state-levelcontrol is not necessary for the construction and maintenance ofintensive water-control features. The second set of canals post-date AD885, placing their construction in the early to middle Postclassic(Urichu phase). For Patzcuaro this was a period of increasingsocio-political and socio-economic complexity just prior to stateformation. This would support aspects of the top down perspective inthat some elements of state control were in place - although at a muchlimited scale. This research is more straightforward for the stress-based andpolitical-economy approaches. Following Boserup and others, intensiveagriculture developed as a response to population pressure. ForPatzcuaro, this would mean that intensification should be associatedwith major settlement expansion in the late Postclassic during the LateUrichu and Tariacuri phases (TABLE 1). Since both sets of agriculturalfeatures occurred during the relatively low population densities of thepre-Tarascan period, agricultural intensification was not related todemography in the Patzcuaro Basin. Following the political-economy perspective, intensive agriculturalfeatures should be associated with emerging elites. The early canalappeared during the Jaracuaro and Lupe phases, the first major period ofelite development noted for the Basin. The second set of canals occurredduring the La Joya/Early Urichu phases, a second major episode of elitedevelopment that set the stage for the formation of the Tarascan state.This evidence supports the political economy perspective forintensification. This paper used a landscape perspective to integrate multiple linesof archaeological and geological data to address a substantiveanthropological issue in archaeology: the origins of agriculturalintensification. By treating the landscape as an artefact See artifact. multiplecausal explanations were evaluated to place newly discoveredwater-management features within the Lake Patzcuaro Basin insocio-economic context. Thus agricultural intensification for Patzcuarois associated with emerging elites as they attempt to consolidate orincrease their power. These features also existed prior to state-levelcontrol and management being organized instead from the bottom up. Itappears that for the Lake Patzucaro Basin, intensive agriculture wasfirmly established well before Tarascan state formation. In this sensePatzcuaro enters a debate currently centred on the Lake Titicaca Basin,a region with which it shares many characteristics. Both experienceextreme shifts in lake level, have lacustrine-orientated societies andwere important centres of Prehispanic civilization. In addition, thesuccessive series of canals and agricultural soils from Patzcuarosuggest landscape modification designed to mitigate the effects of ahighly variable environment in a scenario not unlike that outlined byErickson (in this volume of ANTIQUITY). The expansion of a landscapeapproach to other highland lake basins in Latin America could make greatinroads to our understanding of the agrarian foundations of Precolumbiancivilization. Acknowledgements. Much of this paper was presented in the symposium'Dynamic landscapes and socio-political process: the topography ofanthropogenic environments in global perspective', organized byChristopher T. Fisher and Tina L. Thurston at the 63rd meeting of theSociety for American Archaeology The Society for American Archaeology (SAA) is the largest organization of professional archaeologists of the Americas in the world. The Society was founded in 1934 and today has over 7000 members. , Seattle (WA), 1998. We would like tothank Gary Feinman and Barbara Bender for many useful comments. Thisresearch was made possible through the generous support of the NationalScience Foundation with a grant (SBR SBR - Spectral Band Replication 950-7673) to Pollard supporting thefield research and a Dissertation Improvement Grant (SBR 963-3745) toFisher for the laboratory analysis. This research would not have beenpossible without the long-term support of Helen Pollard. Finally, Fisherand Frederick would like to thank the many residents of the PatzcuaroBasin who often helped two muddy gringos get their samples into the vanjust before the daily rain. Responsibility for omissions and errors lieswith Fisher, due no doubt, to the many long hours spent officiating B.C.Society meetings. References BOSERUP, E. 1965. The conditions of agricultural growth: theeconomics of agrarian change under population pressure. Chicago (IL):Aldine. 1981. Population and technological change: a study of long-termtrends. 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