Sunday, October 2, 2011

Inside and outside the dry stone walls: revisiting the material culture of Great Zimbabwe.

Inside and outside the dry stone walls: revisiting the material culture of Great Zimbabwe. Introduction Great Zimbabwe Great ZimbabweExtensive stone ruins in southeastern Zimbabwe. Located southeast of Masvingo, Zimbabwe, it is the largest of many such ruins in southern Africa. The primary ruins of this former city extend more than 60 acres (24 hectares) and include a hilltop fortress and (Figure 1) is one of more than 200 sites in southernAfrica (Garlake 1970; Beach 1998) which display the architecturaltradition of those monumental but mortarless walls that have continuedto attract archaeologists and the public alike (Ndoro 2001; Fontein2006). With that attraction have arisen speculations and debates aboutthe identity of the site's builders and the function of the walledenclosures (see Hall, R.N. 1905; Garlake 1982; Hall, M. 1995; Huffman1996). Since the late nineteenth century several research issues havedominated the archaeology of Great Zimbabwe, including its origins anddating (Bent 1892; Hall 1905; 1910; MacIver 1906; Caton-Thompson 1931;Summers et al. 1961; Collett et al 1992; Chipunza 1997) and its purposeand significance (Garlake 1973; 1982; Huffman 1986; 1996; Beach 1998;Thorp 1998). Architectural studies by Schofield (1926), Summers and Whitty(1961) and Whitty (1961) proposed a relative sequence in which the wallswere constructed over time. Other studies have deduced the economicbasis of the state based at Great Zimbabwe and the broader landscapesetting and settlement hierarchy around stone built monuments oftheZimbabwe type in general (Sinclair 1987; Pwiti 1996). And yet others,particularly the more recent ones, have focused on the politics of thepast and the conservation and management of the site (Ndoro 2001;Fontein 2006; Chirikure & Pwiti 2008). More recently the site hasbeen interpreted from symbolic, structuralist and cognitive standpoints(Huffman 1981; 1982; 1985; 1986; 1996; 2007). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Research at Great Zimbabwe has, right from the onset, been highlypoliticised. Between 1870 and the 1930s, the site attracted considerablecontroversy, much of it based on antiquarian an��ti��quar��i��an?n.One who studies, collects, or deals in antiquities.adj.1. Of or relating to antiquarians or to the study or collecting of antiquities.2. Dealing in or having to do with old or rare books. speculative beliefs andEuropean colonial attitudes (Bent 1892; Hall & Neal 1902; Douslin1922; Caton-Thompson 1931; Burke 1969; Hall 1987; 1995; Pikirayi 2001).The Rhodesian settler community did not accept an African authorship ofthe monuments. Even the highly scientific investigations by Robinson etal. (1961) were overshadowed by partisan claims (Wainwright Wainwright,town (1991 pop. 4,732), E Alta., Canada, SE of Edmonton and near the Sask. border. It is a trade center and railroad division point for an oil and natural gas area. It has oil refineries, grain elevators, and flour mills. Nearby is a military base. 1949;Jeffreys 1954; Dart 1955). The radical white Rhodesian Front The Rhodesian Front (RF) was a political party in Southern Rhodesia when the country was under white minority rule. Led first by Winston Field, and, from 1964, by Ian Smith, the Rhodesian Front was the successor to the Dominion Party, which was the main opposition party in exiledprofessional archaeologists and hired non-archaeologists to re-write andpopularise Verb 1. popularise - cater to popular taste to make popular and present to the general public; bring into general or common use; "They popularized coffee in Washington State"; "Relativity Theory was vulgarized by these authors" the antiquarian version on the origins and identity ofthebuilders ofthe site (Bruwer 1965; Gayre 1972; Garlake 1982; Pikirayi2001). Thus between the 1960s and 1980, when Zimbabwe attainedindependence, research on Great Zimbabwe remained far from impartial. Fairly recent work from Collett et al (1992) and Chipunza (1994)has continued the study ofthe architectural development, bur post-1980research has suffered from a moratorium on excavations placed by thecultural management authorities, in favour of the conservation of drystone walls and earthen structures. Whilst conservation is a laudable laud��a��bleadj.Healthy; favorable. development albeit with its own problems (Ndoro 1994; Fontein 2006), itis worrying that no new generation of scholars seems to be taking anactive interest in the archaeology of the site (Chirikure 2007a). Thiscreates the false impression that we have exhausted all possible avenuesof investigating the monument. Yet there are huge gaps in our knowledge.Since 1980, there has never been an integrated archaeological researchprogramme on Great Zimbabwe, only isolated and often fragmentedapproaches (see for example Chipunza (1994) on stone architecture,Matenga (1998) on soapstone soapstoneor steatite(stē`ətīt), metamorphic rock of which the characteristic and usually chief mineral is talc, but which also contains varying parts of chlorite, mica, tremolite, quartz, magnetite, and iron birds and Chirikure (2007b) on metalwork).This fragmented approach somewhat frustrates attempts to develop acoherent history of the different activities carried out at the site asrevealed through artefact See artifact. studies. Using archival and published data, we seek here to review thearchaeology of Great Zimbabwe, integrating assemblages withstratigraphic stra��tig��ra��phy?n.The study of rock strata, especially the distribution, deposition, and age of sedimentary rocks.strat and architectural sequences. Making sense of some of theexisting data is not easy if one considers the history of sustainedplunder TO PLUNDER. The capture of personal property on land by a public enemy, with a view of making it his own. The property so captured is called plunder. See Booty; Prize. which has destroyed important deposits without adequaterecording (Garlake 1973: 14). Nevertheless we are convinced that olddata has the potential to bring new insights. In particular, we feel weare in a position to challenge the prevalent current structuralist modeland replace it with another that has time depth. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Great Zimbabwe: the sequence (see Figure 3 and Tables 1 and 2) The site of Great Zimbabwe consists of stone-walled enclosures onthe hill (the Hill Complex) and in the adjacent valley (the ValleyEnclosures), together with other unwalled areas (Figure 2). Twoperimeter walls demarcate de��mar��cate?tr.v. de��mar��cat��ed, de��mar��cat��ing, de��mar��cates1. To set the boundaries of; delimit.2. To separate clearly as if by boundaries; distinguish: demarcate categories. the inner and outer limits of the town(Sinclair 1987: 106). The Upper Valley includes the Great Enclosure,famous for its exquisite workmanship in stone. This has attractedlooters and treasure hunters who, for centuries, have stripped it ofmetres of archaeological deposit. In 1902 Hall and Neal 'found hugepiles of soil debris deposited within the ruins by a succession ofexplorers, both authorized and unauthorized'. [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] Over the years, the chronology of Great Zimbabwe has been built upwithin a combined framework of stratigraphy stratigraphy,branch of geology specifically concerned with the arrangement of layered rocks (see stratification). Stratigraphy is based on the law of superposition, which states that in a normal sequence of rock layers the youngest is on top and the oldest on the , pottery sequences,radiocarbon dates and architectural history This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject.Please help recruit one or [ improve this article] yourself. See the talk page for details. (Summers et al. 1961; Figure3). The sequence is divided into five periods (I-V) ranging from thesixth to the nineteenth century AD. This periodisation is strengthenedby the existence of notable differences in material culture such asglass beads and local pottery belonging to the individual periods(Robinson 1961a, b & c). Accordingly, the local pottery has beencategorised into five classes (Classes 1 to 5), corresponding with thestratigraphy (Figure 3). The material culture of Period I, assigned to early farmingcommunities, dates to between AD 500 and AD 800 and comprisescharacteristic pottery known as Gokomere-Ziwa and Zhizo (Class 1)(Robinson 196 lb). After a lengthy hiatus, the site was occupied fromthe early second millennium AD (Period II) by an ancestral Karangapeople who made pottery known as Gumanye (Class 2) (Huffman 2007) andlived on the hill. Periods III and IV which follow constitute the main era of thestone walls and of the flourishing of Great Zimbabwe as a central place.Similarities in material culture strongly indicate that Period III(Class 3) evolved out of Period II (Class 2) (Sinclair 1987). Datingbetween the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries on the hill, PeriodIII is associated with substantial clay plastered houses and may havebeen associated with the first stone walling on the site (Robinson 196 lb; Pikirayi 2001). Period IV covers about two centuries stretching fromthe late thirteenth to the early sixteenth century (Collett et al.1992). It has been subdivided into three phases--IVa, IVb and IVc. PhaseIVa developed out of Period III and the local pottery (Class IVa) hasfeatures of both Class 3 and 4 and it is sometimes referred to astransitional pottery (Robinson 1961a). This period witnessed the firstexpansion of the Zimbabwe culture settlement from the hill into thevalley. Period IVb is associated with the florescence of the Zimbabweculture up to the mid-fifteenth century. The local pottery (Class IVb)is lavishly burnished bur��nish?tr.v. bur��nished, bur��nish��ing, bur��nish��es1. To make smooth or glossy by or as if by rubbing; polish.2. To rub with a tool that serves especially to smooth or polish.n. with graphite. Period IVc is associated with latersettlement in the valley and subsequent abandonment of the site. Therecovery of Ming Dynasty Ming dynasty(1368–1644) Chinese dynasty that provided an interval of native rule between eras of Mongol and Manchu dominance. The Ming, one of the most stable but autocratic of dynasties, extended Chinese influence farther than did any other native rulers of China. porcelain from the Lower Valley enclosuresindicates that Period IVb ended in the early sixteenth century (Collettet al. 1992). Lastly, Period V represents the re-occupation of GreatZimbabwe more than three centuries later. The pottery is akin to thatused by the nineteenth-century Karanga peoples who lived around the site(Garlake 1973). [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] The architectural chronology of Great Zimbabwe is also consistentwith this sequence (Schofield 1926; Whitty 1961; Garlake 1970; Chipunza1997). According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Whitty (1961) the earliest, poorly coursed, stonewalls, which he termed P and PQ, were found on the Hill Complex,followed by the neatly coursed Q walls in the valley, the site of theelliptical el��lip��tic? or el��lip��ti��caladj.1. Of, relating to, or having the shape of an ellipse.2. Containing or characterized by ellipsis.3. a. Great Enclosure, and the other valley enclosures. Theuncoursed R walls were attributed to the later occupation (Figure 4).However, this model was weakened by the existence of P and Q walling onboth the hill and in the valley, tentatively suggesting that both partsof the site were built according to a preconceived pre��con��ceive?tr.v. pre��con��ceived, pre��con��ceiv��ing, pre��con��ceivesTo form (an opinion, for example) before possessing full or adequate knowledge or experience. plan, which was thenelaborated over time. [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] The P and PQ walls are supposed to have been built in Period IVa(Robinson 1961a; Huffman 2007) while the Q walls were constructed inPeriod IVb (Whitty 1961). On the hill, Chipunza (1994) concluded that Pand PQ courses of the Western Enclosure mark the focus of settlementbefore it expanded to the Eastern Enclosure (Figure 5). Chipunza (1997)also considered the spatial connectivity, construction affinity andstylistic succession of the walls on the hill and concurred with Whitty(1961) that these structures had evolved over time. A similar architectural development is noted in the valley.According to Summers and Whitty (1961), the construction of the GreatEnclosure developed in stages as shown by the mixture of P and Qcoursing (Figure 6). Wall construction began around the P-coursedenclosure (no. 1 on the plan) and from this initial core area,additional PQ walls were built over time (e.g. no. 15). In contrast tothese early features, the most architecturally elaborate walls in theGreat Enclosure such as the girdle girdle/gir��dle/ (gir��d'l) cingulum; an encircling structure or part; anything encircling a body.pectoral girdle? shoulder g. wall and the conical conical/con��i��cal/ (kon��i-k'l) cone-shaped. con��i��calor con��icadj.Of, relating to, or shaped like a cone. tower were builtin Q style (Figure 7). These Q walls have butted joints, revetments androunded entrances. Adjacent to the Great Enclosure, the Upper Valley enclosures werealmost exclusively built in P and PQ style (Collett et al. 1992), burthe Lower Valley enclosures were exclusively built in Q style andcontain typical Q walling features. Therefore, these Lower Valleyenclosures are late additions to the site (Collett et al. 1992).Interestingly, they reproduce on a smaller scale the trademark featuresof the Great Enclosure and in particular the conical towers, curvedbatter walls and round entrances (Caton-Thompson 1931: 15). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] Some of the walls of Great Zimbabwe were decorated with motifswhich give them a strong visual appeal. For example, the girdle wall ofthe Western Enclosure of the Hill Complex is capped with stone monolithsand conical towers (Garlake 1973; Huffman 1996). There is a herringbonedesign inside the Water Gate, and a dentelle Den`telle´n. 1. (Bookbinding) An ornamental tooling like lace. pattern in the WesternEnclosure (Hill Complex). Vertical grooves (see Huffman 1996) also existin the same enclosure and are fairly common in the valley enclosures.Perhaps the most spectacular decoration is the chevron design richlyadorning the exterior girdle wall of the Great Enclosure (Figures 6 and8). On the missing link: the material culture of Great Zimbabwe(periods III and IV) The assemblages of artefacts and other cultural material arecrucial, not only for endorsing the architectural and stratigraphicsequences, but for the proper interpretation of the different activitiesin each part of the site. However, this key aspect has been relativelyneglected up to now. Only the material culture relating directly to thebuilders of Great Zimbabwe, i.e. belonging to Periods III and IV, willbe considered here. [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Period III pottery (Class 3) was only found on the hill. It waswell fired, finely polished, with occasional graphite burnishing burnishing/bur��nish��ing/ (bur��nish-ing) a dental procedure somewhat related to polishing and abrading. burnishing,n (Caton-Thompson 1931; Robinson 1961b; Garlake 1973). The mostcharacteristic vessel types were shouldered jars with everted rims orstraight necks. Decoration is very rare. With time, Class 3 potterydeveloped new features and this has been designated Class 4a ortransitional pottery (Period IVa). Class 4a was found in virtually allthe P and PQ walled enclosures. Eventually, transitional pottery gaveway to Zimbabwe Pottery (Class 4b) which was prevalent during thestate's florescence. Class 4 pottery is lavishly burnished withgraphite and it consists of shouldered pots with tall necks and flaredrims and spherical pots with very short necks and heavily rolled rims(Garlake 1973:112; Huffman & Vogel 1991). Metalworking evidence and metal objects have also been recoveredfrom different areas. An iron smelting furnace (Metal.) a furnace in which ores are smelted or reduced.See also: Smelting (Hall 1905) and a goldmelting furnace (Bent 1892) were recovered on the Hill Complex. Ironslag was recovered on the hill (Robinson 1961a), in the Great Enclosure(Willoughby 1892; Hall 1905; Caton-Thompson 1931) with the ValleyEnclosures yielding both iron slag and iron blooms (Collett et al.1992). Crucibles, ingots and casting spills were also found in GreatZimbabwe's walled enclosures (Bent 1892: 221). Additional evidenceof metalworking includes tuyeres, iron hammers, chisels, pincers pin��cers? also pinch��erspl.n. (used with a sing. or pl. verb)1. A grasping tool having a pair of jaws and handles pivoted together to work in opposition.2. andwire drawing equipment (MacIver 1906; Hall 1910; Caton-Thompson 1931).Iron tools (chisels, knives, hoes, arrowheads, spearheads and axes) formpart of the inventory of utilitarian objects. The assemblage of copper,bronze and gold objects largely consisted of beads, thin sheets andother objects used for ceremonial and decorative purposes. Therefore,metalworking evidence and metal objects were present in most of theconstituent walled enclosures making up Great Zimbabwe. A wide array of soapstone objects range from the famous birds tobowls (Figure 9), some imitating the architectural motifs alreadymentioned. Fragments of decorated and undecorated soapstone bowls havebeen found on the hill (Bent 1892) and within the Great (Willoughby1892) and Valley enclosures (Caton-Thompson 1931). Perhaps the mostimportant category of soapstone finds is the collection of eightsoapstone birds. Seven of the birds were recovered from the Hill Complexwhile the eighth was recovered in the Valley Enclosures (Matenga 1998).On the hill, only one bird was found in the Western Enclosure while theremaining six were recovered from the Eastern Enclosure. The EasternEnclosure yielded meagre mea��geralso mea��gre ?adj.1. Deficient in quantity, fullness, or extent; scanty.2. Deficient in richness, fertility, or vigor; feeble: the meager soil of an eroded plain.3. amounts of cultural debris and the existence ofplatforms and monoliths has suggested the use of this enclosure forpriestly priest��ly?adj. priest��li��er, priest��li��est1. Of or relating to a priest or the priesthood.2. Characteristic of or suitable for a priest. functions (Garlake 1973; Chipunza 1994; Huffman 1996). Theflakes of worked soapstone found in the Hill Complex middens wouldsuggest that soapstone working was practised here. The recovery ofspindle spindle:see spinning. A rotating shaft in a disk drive. In a fixed disk, the platters are attached to the spindle. In a removable disk, the spindle remains in the drive. Laptops use spindle designations to indicate the number of built-in drives. whorls suggests weaving was an important activity carried out atGreat Zimbabwe. Pottery and soapstone spindle whorls were recovered invarying proportions on the hill, and in the valley and Great Enclosures. [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] [FIGURE 9 OMITTED] [FIGURE 10 OMITTED] Imported artefacts constitute a significant part of the materialculture recovered at Great Zimbabwe. Glass beads (Figure 10) have beenrecovered in fair amounts at the site with the largest number beingassociated with the hoard found in the Renders Ruin in the valley (Hall1905; Caton-Thompson 1931; and see below). Modest amounts of Chineseceladon celadonChinese, Korean, Siamese, and Japanese stoneware decorated with glazes the colour range of which includes greens of various shades, olive, blue, and gray. The colours are the result of a wash of slip (liquefied clay) containing a high proportion of iron that is and Near Eastern earthenware were found across the site.However, Arabian glass was only recovered in the Great and ValleyEnclosures. The Lower Valley Enclosures are the only places to haveyielded sixteenth-century Ming Dynasty pottery. Overall, thedistribution of imports suggests that the occupants of the stone wallshad access to exotic goods. Material culture also includes immobile im��mo��bileadj.1. Immovable; fixed.2. Not moving; motionless.immo��bil features. Gravel floorsmake their first appearance towards the end of Period III on the hill(Robinson 1961a), and become an integral feature of virtually all thestone enclosures in Period IV. A deep succession of such house floorswas excavated in the Western Enclosure on the hill (Douslin 1922;Robinson 1961a; Figure 3). Despite coming in different sizes, somecommon features of the house floors include low benches, fire places andpot stands (Huffman 1996). Because of the history of plundering on thesite, one cannot establish the development of house types used overrime. House floors similar to those on the hill were found in the GreatEnclosure and in the adjacent valley (MacIver 1906; Hall 1910;Caton-Thompson 1931; Summers et al. 1961). While these categories of material culture were found in almostevery enclosure, Richard Hall (1905) discovered a spectacular hoard inthe Renders Ruin which contained gold wire, iron spoons, a lamp stand,copper box, two finger rings, several hundred thousand glass beads andseveral kilograms of wire, cowrie cowrieor cowry(both: kou`rē), common name applied to marine gastropods belonging to the family Cypraeidae, a well-developed family of marine snails found in the tropics. shells and coral. This probablysignifies the presence of a resident trader at Great Zimbabwe. Thispractice has been historically documented in the Mutapa state, one ofthe successors to Great Zimbabwe (Pikirayi 1993; Chirikure et al. 2001).By extension, this hoard represents royal control over trade andexchange relationships in the Zimbabwe state. Discussion According to Huffman (1981; 1982; 1985), it is possible tounderstand the spatial correlates of Great Zimbabwe's dry stonewalls using a binary-coded cognitive framework supported by ethnography ethnography:see anthropology; ethnology. ethnographyDescriptive study of a particular human society. Contemporary ethnography is based almost entirely on fieldwork. .Huffman concluded that the kings at Great Zimbabwe resided in theWestern Enclosure of the Hill Complex while the Eastern Enclosure servedas a ritual centre. The Great Enclosure in the valley was interpreted asa centre for initiation (see Huffman 1985), while the Valley Enclosureswere the residences of the royal wives (Huffman 1996). Huffman's model has been criticised for presenting the pictureof a society in stasis for 200 years (Beach 1998). Like Sinclair (1987),Beach (1998) made recourse to Shona ethnography and history of politicalsuccession to argue that the ruler's residences had more likelychanged during Great Zimbabwe's 200-year florescence. Thus theGreat Enclosure was not an initiation centre nor were the valleyenclosures residences for royal wives: they were centres adopted bysuccessive rulers. However, Sindair and Beach did not support their hypothesis witharchaeological evidence. If we were to do so, we can bring both thearchaeological sequence The archaeological sequence or sequence for short, on a specific archaeological site can be defined on two levels of rigour. Normally it is adequate to equate it to archaeological record. However, the two terms are not exactly interchangeable. and the archaeological spatial distribution tobear in order to create a new model. This does indeed endorse the ideaof a shifting focus during the Great Zimbabwe periods III and IV andeffectively eliminates Huffman's structuralist hypothesis. The combined archaeological sequence and architectural chronologyis consistent with an expanding and shrinking settlement. Because noother part of the site has Period III remains, the early foundations ofGreat Zimbabwe must be located on the hill. The earliest monumentalwalls at Great Zimbabwe are the P and PQ walls of the Western Enclosure(Hill Complex) (Chipunza 1994; 1997). Because the contemporary walls inthe valley were less monumental (Summers & Whitty 1961), this iswhere the first rulers of the state lived. From this formative area,settlement then expanded into the areas with Period IVa occupation,including P and PQ walling in the Great Enclosure and the Upper Valley.The exclusively Q style Lower Valley enclosures were added in PeriodIVb. Over time, the development of the elaborate and monumental Q styledgirdle walls of the Great Enclosure suggest that political successionwas passed to an individual living there. Thus, there was a shift in thecentre of power from the hill to the Upper Valley, and from the UpperValley to the Lower Valley (Summers 1961; Garlake 1973). It would seem that the rulers who were based in the Great Enclosurepresided over the state during its most affluent period. Subsequently,the centre of power moved to the exclusively Q walled Valley Enclosures(Collett et al. 1992). This was the last place to be abandoned, longafter the Great Enclosure and the Hill Complex had been deserted, orwere serving lesser stately functions (Pikirayi 1993; Chirikure et al.2001). Oral traditions claim a direct link between Great Zimbabwe andthe Mutapa state. Therefore, the sixteenth-century Ming Dynastyporcelain from the lower valley would suggest that a small population inthe valley continued to occupy the site after most of the inhabitants :This article is about the video game. For Inhabitants of housing, see Residency Inhabitants is an independently developed commercial puzzle game created by S+F Software. DetailsThe game is based loosely on the concepts from SameGame. had moved to other areas (Collett et al. 1992). The thesis of changing rulers' residences is adequatelysupported by the distribution of material culture found inside the stonewalls of Great Zimbabwe. Although the dates of the assemblages change,there is a remarkable similarity in the range of objects and activitiescarried out in the earlier and later enclosures. Each assemblage coversnot only utilitarian and ceremonial objects but also ritual and craftproduction activities. Imported material culture also has anall-encompassing distribution, just like the locally-produced objects.This almost homogenous homogenous - homogeneous distribution of imports in all the major areaswould suggest some form of equal access to resources on the part ofthose living there. If the residences of rulers changed over time as wecontend, then this similarity in assemblage is hardly surprising. In the Shona world, political succession does not follow theprinciple of primogeniture primogeniture,in law, the rule of inheritance whereby land descends to the oldest son. Under the feudal system of medieval Europe, primogeniture generally governed the inheritance of land held in military tenure (see knight). (Bourdillon 1976). Instead, successionfollows the system of 'houses' whereby if the founder of astate has many sons, political succession alternates in all these housesstarting from the eldest to the youngest, and then reverts back to thehouse of the eldest son (Holleman 1952; 1969). Often, when a ruler dies,his successor does not move into the deceased's residence. Heusually rules from his present homestead and depending on his power andinfluence can extend its grandeur. Therefore, it would seem that theHill Complex, the Valley and Great Enclosures were, at one time oranother, residences of rulers during the 200-year long florescence ofthe state. The homestead of the founder of the state invariably in��var��i��a��ble?adj.Not changing or subject to change; constant.in��vari��a��bil assumesa religious significance (Gluckman 1937) and this probably explains whythe Hill Complex has always remained the site of an important shrine(Ndoro 2001; Fontein 2006). It can be noted that the hypothesis of achanging centre of power is also applicable to other Zimbabwe type siteson the plateau. In northern Zimbabwe, the stone-walled enclosures areactually named after particular rulers such as Mutota (Mutota'sZimbabwe) and Rusvingo waKasekete (after Kasekete) (Beach 1980). So far, the story presented by the material culture from GreatZimbabwe is consistent with the major parts using identical materialculture and being spaces for typical male and female pursuits. This isat odds with structuralist interpretations of the site. Huffman (1996)confidently argued that royal wives occupied the valley for the durationof Great Zimbabwe's florescence. He based his argument on theexistence of 'female symbols' which primarily take the form ofvertical grooves on some of the stone structures. In a more recentpublication, Huffman (2007: 405) argues that royal wives lived togetherunder the authority of the first wife, and maintained that the valleycomplexes best served this function. The expectation is that thematerial culture recovered from within the Valley Enclosures should beconsistent with an exclusively female domain. Yet, the material culturereveals the presence of both male and female activities, as is common inKaranga societies (Aschwanden 1982). In particular, the presence ofmetalworking slag and iron blooms all falling within the domain of maleactivities show that there was a sizeable male presence in the lowervalley enclosures. Furthermore, that the lower valley enclosures werethe last place to be abandoned raises serious questions regarding whyroyal men would leave royal wives behind when abandoning the site. Thisfurther casts doubts on the royal wives hypothesis and strengthens thepoint that the lower valley housed the rulers at a time when GreatZimbabwe's influence was waning. Using Venda Venda(vĕnd`ə), former black "homeland" and nominal republic, NE South Africa. It comprised two connected areas near the Zimbabwe border in what is now Limpopo prov. ethnography, Huffman (1996; 2007: 407) also argues thatthe Great Enclosure was used for circumcision circumcision(sûr'kəmsĭzh`ən), operation to remove the foreskin covering the glans of the penis. It dates back to prehistoric times and was widespread throughout the Middle East as a religious rite before it was introduced among the and acted as a pre-maritalschool for boys and girls boys and girlsmercurialisannua. known as the Domba. He cited the existence ofsymbols for different age groups from the young to the old and ritualobjects that supported his initiation centre hypothesis. Nevertheless,an examination of the distribution of material culture at Great Zimbabweshows that the so-called ritual objects are found in stratigraphiccontexts in the valley and on the hill (Matenga 1998). Apart fromcontaining modest amounts of metalworking evidence such as wire drawingplates, some slag, gold cake and utilitarian and non-utilitarianobjects, the Great Enclosure also possessed a fair share of imports,some of which have never been recovered on the hill (for example theIslamic glass) (Summers & Whitty 1961). More importantly, the Domba did not take place regularly because itwas dependent on the number of young people ready to participate and thenature of the harvest (Stayt 1931). As such, initiation centres tendedto be impermanent im��per��ma��nent?adj.Not lasting or durable; not permanent.im��perma��nence, im��per structures built of perishable materials. The objectsof instruction consisted of symbolic objects which were kept in thechief's hut when not in use (Stayt 1931). Archaeologically, theDomba institution is unlikely to have left significant fingerprints. Bycontrast, the Great Enclosure is a permanent building whose constructiontook place over a long time. It had a broad-based material culture thatincluded local pottery, spindle whorls, symbolic objects, metalworkingevidence and lavish imports. This assemblage is similar to that found onthe Hill Complex and in the valley; areas which Huffman agrees were notinitiation centres. The presence of platforms and figurines (whichHuffman used to support his hypothesis) is equally consistent with Shonacultural beliefs in which each household has a place to propitiate pro��pi��ti��ate?tr.v. pro��pi��ti��at��ed, pro��pi��ti��at��ing, pro��pi��ti��atesTo conciliate (an offended power); appease: propitiate the gods with a sacrifice. theancestors (Bourdillon 1976; Aschwanden 1982; Gelfand 1973). Identifying the ceremony and rituals of initiation among theancient Karanga also remains tenuous in the absence of supportingwritten and oral evidence (see Ashwanden 1982). Although the Venda, whosettled in northern South Africa South Africa,Afrikaans Suid-Afrika, officially Republic of South Africa, republic (2005 est. pop. 44,344,000), 471,442 sq mi (1,221,037 sq km), S Africa. in the seventeenth century, were oncepart of the Karanga people, they soon interacted with neighbouringSotho-Tswana communities, creating a Venda identity which is in manyways different from the Karanga (Beach 1980). According to Stayt (1931:125), the cultural practice of circumcision was not an indigenousinstitution amongst the Venda (see also Blacking 1985). It wasintroduced through centuries of interaction with the Lemba andSotho-Tswana societies. As such, the Domba had no historical derivation derivation,in grammar: see inflection. from the Karanga, north of the Limpopo (Aschwanden 1982; Blacking 1985;Beach 1998). Nevertheless, the Venda retained some elements of theKaranga such as the concept of sacred leadership. This must question thesuitability of a hybrid Venda culture as an analogy for the Karangaworldview world��view?n. In both senses also called Weltanschauung.1. The overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world.2. A collection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. . Holl (1996) suggested that the structuralist interpretation shouldbe synchronised with the chronological development and by implication,the material culture of the site. While Great Zimbabwe's expansionwas probably situated in existing mental templates (Huffman 1986; Holl1996), it is difficult to apply a structuralist model to understandingthe meaning of space at different periods during the site'sdevelopment. For example, the model cannot be used to understand theorganisation of space while the lower valley was the only areainhabited. Does this mean that interpretations based on structuralisttheories have no future at Great Zimbabwe? Far from it, but they must besupported by artefacts, architectural history and chronology. Conclusion A critical assessment of the chronology, architectural history andmaterial culture has shown that Great Zimbabwe emerged from localfarming communities as a series of aristocratic centres succeeding eachother in a manner consistent with Shona systems of political successionand chiefly politics. The focus of power moved from the WesternEnclosure on the hill in the twelfth century, to the Great Enclosure,the Upper Valley and finally the Lower Valley in the early sixteenthcentury, where Great Zimbabwe's prominence was destined des��tine?tr.v. des��tined, des��tin��ing, des��tines1. To determine beforehand; preordain: a foolish scheme destined to fail; a film destined to become a classic.2. to end. This sequence invalidates structuralist hypotheses which assumethat different parts of the ruin were active at the same time and couldthus be dedicated to different activities, rituals or genders. Symbolicbeliefs are part of the broad social structure which connects disparatefacets of human experience within a chronological and cultural framework(Hodder 2007). The priority at Great Zimbabwe is to give more value to theexisting data and finds. Great Zimbabwe's archaeology is currentlyelite archaeology; more work needs to be done on the commoner areas thatformed part of the settlement. We still await the publication of theexcavations conducted during the early 1970s. These results will throwsome light on issues of production and the circulation of goods, as wellas the use of space in non-elite residences. Pursuing some of theseissues will awake the archaeology of Great Zimbabwe from its temporarysiesta of the last 30 or so years. Acknowledgements This paper benefited from ideas by Simon Hall Simon Hall may refer to: Simon Hall, member of Tripod (band) Simon Hall (writer), BBC correspondent and novelist , Edward Matenga,Munyaradzi Manyanga, Webber Ndoro, Gilbert Pwiti, Judith Sealy andJoseph Vogel (AltaMira Press). We would like to unreservedly un��re��served?adj.1. Not held back for a particular person: an unreserved seat.2. Given without reservation; unqualified: unreserved praise.3. thank themfor sharing their thoughts with us. We are also indebted to the lateDavid Beach, Tom Huffman and Paul Sinclair's insights which createdan arena for healthy academic debates. Paul Lane, an anonymous refereeand the editor of Antiquity offered suggestions that improved the scopeof this paper. Lastly, we thank our students past and present for thelively discussions that we have had over the years. References ASCHWANDEN, H. 1982. Symbols of life: an analysis of theconsciousness of the Karanga. Gweru: Mambo Press. BEACH, D.N. 1980. The Shona and Zimbabwe 900-1850. Gweru: MamboPress. --1998. Cognitive archaeology Cognitive archaeology is a sub-discipline of archaeology which focuses on the ways that ancient societies thought and the symbolic structures that can be perceived in past material culture. and imaginary history at GreatZimbabwe - comments and reply. Current Anthropology Current Anthropology, published by the University of Chicago Press and sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, is a peer-reviewed journal founded in 1959 by the anthropologist Sol Tax (1907-1995). 1: 47-72. BENT, J.T. 1892. The ruined cities of Mashonaland. London:Longmans. BLACKING, J. 1985. The Great Enclosure and Domba. Man 20: 542-3. BOURDILLON, M.F.C. 1976. The Shona Peoples. Gweru: Mambo Press. BRUWER, A.J. 1965. Zimbabwe: Rhodesia's ancient greamess.Johannesburg: Hugh Keartland. BURKE, E.E. 1969. The Journals of Karl Mauch Karl Gottlieb Mauch (May 7, 1837 - April 4, 1875) Stuttgart was a German explorer and geographer of Africa. He reported on the archaeological ruins of Great Zimbabwe in 1871. . Salisbury: NationalArchives of Rhodesia. CATON-THOMPSON, G. 1931. The Zimbabwe Culture: ruins and reactions.Oxford: Clarendon Press. CHIPUNZA, K. 1994. A diachronic di��a��chron��icadj.Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. analysis of the standing structuresof the Hill Complex at Great Zimbabwe (Studies in African Archaeology The continent of Africa has the longest record of human activity of any part of the world and along with its geographical extent, it contains an enormous archaeological resource. Scholars have studied Egyptology for centuries but archaeologists have only paid serious attention to the rest 8). Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis. --1997. A diachronic analysis of the standing structures of theHill Complex at Great Zimbabwe, in G. Pwiti (ed.) Caves, monuments andtexts: Zimbabwean archaeology today (Studies in African Archaeology 14):125-41. Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, UppsalaUniversity Uppsala University (Swedish Uppsala universitet) is a public university in Uppsala, Sweden, 64 kilometres (40 miles) north-northwest of Stockholm.[1] Founded in 1477, it claims to be the oldest university in Scandinavia, outdating the University of Copenhagen . CHIRIKURE, S. 2007a. Archaeology beyond borders: Zimbabweanarchaeology in a regional perspective. Keynote address keynote addressn.An opening address, as at a political convention, that outlines the issues to be considered. Also called keynote speech.Noun 1. , National Forumon Zimbabwean Archaeology, 6-8 September 2007, Harare. --2007b. Metals in society: iron production and its position inIron Age communities of southern Africa. Journal of Social Archaeology7: 72-100. CHIRIKURE, S. & G. PWITI. 2008. Community participation inarchaeology and heritage management: case studies from southern Africaand elsewhere. Current Anthropology 49(3): 467-85. CHIRIKURE, S., I. PIKIRAYI & G. PWITI. 2001. A comparativestudy of Khami pottery, Zimbabwe, in F. Chami & G. Pwiti (ed.)Southern Africa and the Swahili world (Studies in African Past 2). Dares Salaam Dar es SalaamLargest city (pop., 1995 est.: 1,747,000), capital, and major port of Tanzania. Founded in 1862 by the sultan of Zanzibar, it came under the German East Africa Co. in 1887. : Dar es Salaam University Press. COLLETT, D.P., A. VINES & G. HUGHES. 1992. Dating andchronologies of the Valley Enclosures: implications for theinterpretation of Great Zimbabwe. African Archaeology Review 10: 139-61. DART, R. 1955. Foreign influences on the Zimbabwe and pre-Zimbabweeras. Native Affairs Department Annual 32: 19-30. DOUSLIN, H. 1922. Recent explorations at Zimbabwe. Proceedings ofthe Rhodesian Scientific Association 20: 61. FONTEIN, J. 2006. Silence of Great Zimbabwe: contested landscapesand the power of heritage. London: UCL UCL University College LondonUCL Universit�� Catholique de LouvainUCL UEFA Champions LeagueUCL Upper Confidence LimitUCL University of Central LancashireUCL Upper Control LimitUCL Unfair Competition LawUCL Ulnar Collateral Ligament Press. GARLAKE, P.S. 1970. Rhodesian ruins: a preliminary assessment oftheir styles and chronology. Journal of African History 1 I: 495-513. --1973. Great Zimbabwe. London: Thames & Hudson. --1982. Great Zimbabwe described and explained. Gweru: Mambo Press. GAYRE, R. 1972. The origins of Zimbabwean civilisation. Salisbury:Galaxie. GELFAND, M. 1973. The genuine Shona. Gweru: Mambo Press. GLUCKMAN, M. 1937. Mortuary customs and the belief in survivalafter death among the South-Eastern Bantu. Bantu Studies 11:117-36. HALL, M. 1987. The changing past: farmers, kings and traders insouthern Africa 200-1860. Cape Town Cape Townor Capetown,city (1991 pop. 854,616), legislative capital of South Africa and capital of Western Cape, a port on the Atlantic Ocean. It was the capital of Cape Province before that province's subdivision in 1994. : David Philip. --1995. Great Zimbabwe and the Lost City: the cultural colonisationof the South African past, in P.J. Ucko (ed.) Theory in archaeology: aworld perspective. London: Routledge. HALL, R.N. 1905. Great Zimbabwe. London: Methuen. --1910. Prehistoric Rhodesia. London: Fisher Unwin. HALL, R.N. & W.G. NEAL. 1902. The ancient ruins of Rhodesia.London: Methuen. HODDER, I. 2007. Symbolic and structural archaeology. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). . HOLL, A.EC. 1996. A diachronic analysis of the architecture of theHill Complex at Great Zimbabwe by K.T. Chipunza. African ArchaeologicalReview 13 (1): 77-85. HOLLEMAN, J.F. 1952. Shona customary law: with reference tokinship, marriage, the family and the estate. Cape Town: OxfordUniversity Press. --1969. Chief, Council and Commissioner: some problems ofgovernment in Rhodesia. Assen: Afrika Studiencentrum. HUFFMAN, T.N. 1981. Snakes and birds: expressive space at GreatZimbabwe. African Studies African studies (also known as Africana studies) is the study of Africa, and can encompass such fields as social and economic development, politics, history, culture, sociology, anthropology or linguistics. A specialist in African studies is referred to as an Africanist. 40: 131-50. --1982. Archaeology and ethnohistory eth��no��his��to��ry?n.The study of especially native or non-Western peoples from a combined historical and anthropological viewpoint, using written documents, oral literature, material culture, and ethnographic data. of the African Iron Age.Annual Review of Anthropology 11 : 133-50. --1985. The Great Enclosure and Domba. Man 20: 543-5. --1986. Cognitive studies of the Iron Age in southern Africa. WorldArchaeology 18: 84-95. --1996. Snakes and crocodiles: power and symbolism in ancientZimbabwe. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. --2007. Handbook to the Iron Age: the archaeology of pre-colonialfarming societies in Southern Africa. Scottsville: University ofKwaZulu-Natal OrganisationThe University is divided into four colleges, each divided into faculties: The College of Humanities The Faculty of Education Press. HUFFMAN, T. N. & J.C. VOGEL. 1991. The chronology of GreatZimbabwe. South African Archaeological Bulletin 46: 61-70. JEFFREYS, M.D.W. 1954. Zimbabwe and Galla culture. South AfricanArchaeological Bulletin 9:152. MACIVER, D. 1906. Medieval Rhodesia. London: MacMillan. MATENGA, E. 1998. The soapstone birds of Great Zimbabwe. Harare:Africa Publishing House. NDORO, W. 1994. The preservation and presentation of GreatZimbabwe. Antiquity 68: 617-23. --2001. Your Monument, our shrine: the preservation andpresentation of Great Zimbabwe (Studies in African Archaeology 19).Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, UppsalaUniversity. PIKIRAY1, I. 1993. The Archaeological identity of the Mutapa State:towards ah historical identity of northern Zimbabwe (Studies in AfricanArchaeology 6). Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis. --2001. The Zimbabwe culture: origins and decline of southernZambezian states. Walnut Creek Walnut Creek,residential city (1990 pop. 60,569), Contra Costa co., W Calif., in the San Francisco Bay area; inc. 1914. It is the trade and shipping center of an extensive agricultural area where walnuts are among the major product. (CA): AltaMira. PWITI, G. 1996. Continuity and change: an archaeological study offarming communities in northern Zimbabwe AD 500-1700 (Studies in AfricanArchaeology 13). Uppsala: Department of Archaeology, Uppsala University. ROBINSON, K.R. 1961 a. Excavations of the Acropolis acropolis(əkrŏp`əlĭs)[Gr.,=high point of the city], elevated, fortified section of various ancient Greek cities.TheAcropolis of Athens, a hill c.260 ft (80 m) high, with a flat oval top c. Hill.Occasional Papers of the National Museums of Southern Rhodesia 3(23A):159-92. --1961 b. Zimbabwe pottery. Occasional papers of the NationalMuseums of Southern Rhodesia 3 (23A): 193-226. --196lc. Zimbabwe beads. Occasional Papers of the National Museumsof Southern Rhodesia 3(23A): 227-35. SCHOFIELD, J.E 1926. Zimbabwe: a critical examination of thebuilding styles employed. South African Journal of Science 23:971-86. SINCLAIR, P.J.J. 1987. Space, rime and social formation: aterritorial approach to the archaeology of Zimbabwe and Mazambique c.0-1700 AD (Aun 9). Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis. STAYT, H.A. 1931. The Bavenda. London: Oxford UniversityPress/International Institute of African Languages African languages,geographic rather than linguistic classification of languages spoken on the African continent. Historically the term refers to the languages of sub-Saharan Africa, which do not belong to a single family, but are divided among several distinct & Cultures. SUMMERS, R. 1961. Excavations in the Great Enclosure. OccasionalPapers of the National Museums of Southern Rhodesia 3(23A): 236-88. SUMMERS, R. & A. WH1TTY (TeleTYpewriter) See teletypewriter and TDD/TTY. (hardware) tty - /tit'ee/ (ITS pronunciation, but some Unix people say it this way as well; this pronunciation is not considered to have sexual undertones), /T T Y/1. teletypewriter.2. . 1961. The development of the GreatEnclosure. Occasional Papers of the National Museums of SouthernRhodesia 3(23A): 306-25. SUMMERS, R., K. ROBINSON & A. WHITTY. 1961. Zimbabweexcavations. Occasional Papers of the National Museums of Rhodesia3(23A): 15-332. THORP, C. 1998. Kings and commoners at Great Zimbabwe (NationalMuseums and Monuments of Zimbabwe Memoirs). Harare: Trustees of theNational Museum and Monuments of Zimbabwe. WAINRIGHT, G.A. 1949. The founders of Zimbabwe civilisation. Man49: 62-66. WHITTY, A. 1961. Architectural style at Zimbabwe. Occasional Papersof the National Museums of Southern Rhodesia 3(23A): 289-305. WILLOUGHBY, J. 1892. A narrative of further excavations atZimbabwe. London: George Philip. Shadreck Chirikure (1) & Innocent Pikirayi (2) (1) Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town Coordinates: “UCT” redirects here. For other uses, see UCT (disambiguation). , Rondebosch,Cape Town 7701, South Africa (Email: shadreck.chirikure@uct.ac.za) (2) Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, HumanitiesBuilding, University of Pretoria, Pretoria 0002, South Africa (Email:innocent.pirikayi@up.ac.za)Table 1. Great Zimbabwe: summary of the main periods of occupation(modified from Summers et al. 1961 and Huff-man & Vogel 1991).Period Focus PotteryI and Ia Hill Complex Class 1-- Gokomere/Ziwa/ Zhizo pottery -- AbandonedII Hill Complex Class 2-- Gumanye potteryIII Hill Complex, Western Class 3 pottery, and Eastern Class 3 Enclosures influenced by Class 4a potteryIVa Hill Complex; Great Class 3 influenced Enclosure; Upper by Class 4a Valley Enclosures pottery; Class 4 potteryIVb Great Enclosure; Lower Class 46 graphite Valley Enclosures burnished wareIVc Lower Valley Enclosures Class 4c graphite burnished ware -- AbandonedV Lower Valley Enclosures Class 5--Karanga potteryPeriod Architecture DateI and Ia no stone walling 5th-8th centuries -- 9th-12th centuriesII no stone walling; mid 12th-early dhaka house 13th centuries floorsIII P stone walling; early-late 13th substantial centuries dhaka housesIVa P and PQ late 13th-early walling 14th centuriesIVb PQ, Q and R early 14th-mid walling 15th centuriesIVc Q and R walling mid 15th-mid 16th centuries -- mid 16th-19th centuriesV R walling 19th centuryTable 2. Radiocarbon dates from Great Zimbabwe. The radiocarbon dateswere calibrated using the Radiocarbon Calibration Program (Calib Revs5.0.2 Copyright 1986-2005 M. Stuiver and P.J. Reimer). Modified fromHuffman & Vogel 1991 and Stuiver & Reimer 1993.Lab. No. Date AD Cal Age [+ or Cal Age [+ or -] 1 sigma -] 2 sigmaThe Hill ComplexPeriods 1 and 2 (development ofof farming communities)M-914 1075 [+ or -] 150 1040-1290 900-920 (1%) 950-1410 (99%)Pta-1983 670 [+ or -] 40 721-741 (16%) 682-891 770-873 (84%)M-913 320 [+ or -] 150 348-369 (5%) 136-772 378-651 (95%)Periods 3 and 4 (development of stone walling and solid clay (dhaka)floors and clay-built houses)M-915 1440 [+ or -] 150 1320-1350 (11%) 1220-1690 (96%) 1380-1520 (59%) 1730-1860 (4%) 1540-1630 (30%)Pta-2706 1370 [+ or -] 50 1328-1337 (11%) 1311-1360 (25%) 1391-1438 (89%) 1379-1452 (75%)Pta-1192 1310 [+ or -] 50 1312-1359 (66%) 1293-1420 1380-1405 (34%)Pta-1986 1310 [+ or -] 45 1314-1357 (67%) 1295-1417 1381-1404 (33%)Pta-2704 1280 [+ or -] 45 1304-1362 (80%) 1288-1402 1377-1391 (20%)Pta-745 1280 [+ or -] 30 1306-1329 (37%) 1297-1395 1336-1361 (42%) 1378-1391 (21%)Pta-1985 1260 [+ or -] 45 1294-1323 (40%) 1283-1397 1346-1388 (60%)Pta-2705 1190 [+ or -] 50 1233-1245 (11%) 1218-1324 (76%) 1264-1311 (68%) 1344-1389 (24%) 1359-1379 (21%)Pta-1984 1100 [+ or -] 40 1211-1270 1162-1172 (2%) 1175-1281 (98%)The Great EnclosureTrenches 3-6 and lintels from one of the adjoining wallsSR-47 1380 [+ or -] 90 1320-1360 (31%) 1280-1510 (96%) 1380-1460 (69%) 1580-1620 (4%)Pta-1594 1310 [+ or -] 40 1316-1355 (67%) 1298-1413 1382-1402 (33%)Pta-792 1300 [+ or -] 50 1309-1360 (72%) 1290-1415 1378-1400 (18%)Pta-2694 1250 [+ or -] 40 1292-1319 (44%) 1283-1392 1351-1385 (56%)Pta-2693 1240 [+ or -] 45 1292-1319 (44%) 1276-1394 1351-1385 (56%)The valley and peripheral structuresPta-2429 1410 [+ or -] 40 1410-1442 1391-1458Pta-2423 1400 [+ or -] 50 1401-1444 1318-1353 (10%) 1384-1462 (90%)Pta-1208 1350 [+ or -] 50 1322-1347 (34%) 1302-1364 (40%) 1387-1426 (66%) 1376-1444 (60%)Wits 774 1350 [+ or -] 40 1324-1343 (29%) 1312-1359 (35%) 1389-1427 (71%) 1379-1441 (65%)Lab. No. Context CommentThe Hill ComplexPeriods 1 and 2 (development of farming communities)M-914 Test I, level 13. Gumanye Chivowa Hill dates 970 [+ pottery, end of Period 2 or -] 35 (Pta-1919), 1060 [+ or -] 40 (Pta- 1922) and Gumanye Hill 1020 [+ or -] 35 (Pta-1916)Pta-1983 Test V, Western Enclosure, Huffman & Vogel 1991 Period Zhizo pottery IbM-913 Test V, Western Enclosure, Huffman & Vogel 1991 Period charcoal with fragments Ia of dhaka, Gokomere/Ziwa potteryPeriods 3 and 4 (development of stone walling and solid clay (dhaka)floors and clay-built houses)M-915 End of Period 4, Test 1, Huffman and Vogel 1991, level 5, floor c Robinson 1961aPta-2706 Test 1, level 7 Robinson 1961aPta-1192 Colophospermum Mopane Robinson 1961a, Huffman lintel, covered passage and Vogel 1991Pta-1986 Test 1, floor g Robinson 1961 a, Huffman and Vogel 1991Pta-2704 Test I, level 11, floor hl, Robinson 1961a, Huffman sorghum and Vogel 1991Pta-745 PWD face above Test VI Huffman and Vogel 1991Pta-1985 Test 1, level 11 floor i Robinson 1961aPta-2705 Above Test V: South Wall, Robinson 1961a, Huffman dating early P walling and Vogel 1991Pta-1984 Test 1, floor j Huffman and Vogel 1991The Great EnclosureTrenches 3-6 and lintels from one of the adjoining wallsSR-47 Earliest dhaka lens and Summers 1961, Huffman and P-walling, Enclosure 1 Vogel 1991Pta-1594 Lintel Summers 1961, Huffman and Vogel 1991Pta-792 Lintel Summers 1961, Huffman and Vogel 1991Pta-2694 Trench 8, level 6, layer Summers 1961 sealing middenPta-2693 Trench 5, level 9, earliest Summers 1961 dhaka lens and P-walling, Enclosure 1 The valley and peripheral structuresPta-2429 Basal early dhaka floors, Huffman and Vogel 1991 Trench 3, Nemanwa RuinPta-2423 Camp Ruins, Z4, midden, Huffman and Vogel 1991 30-43 cmPta-1208 Camp Ruins, Z1, House 35 Huffman and Vogel 1991Wits 774 Camp Ruins, Z4, midden, Huffman and Vogel 1991 level 4 (71-83 cm), underneath Pta-2423

No comments:

Post a Comment