Locating places for repatriated burial: a case study from Ngarrindjeri ruwe, South Australia.

Locating places for repatriated burial: a case study from Ngarrindjeri ruwe, South Australia. Introduction We ask non-Indigenous people to respect and understand our traditions, our rights and our responsibilities according to Ngarrindjeri laws and to realise that what affects us, will eventually affect them (Ngarrindjeri Nation 2006: 13). In recent decades the issue of repatriation RepatriationThe process of converting a foreign currency into the currency of one's own country.Notes:If you are American, converting British Pounds back to U.S. dollars is an example of repatriation. has generated muchdebate, and increasing pressure has been brought to bear on institutionsto repatriate repatriateTo bring home assets that are currently held in a foreign country. Domestic corporations are frequently taxed on the profits that they repatriate, a factor inducing the firms to leave overseas the profits earned there. their collections of Indigenous skeletal remains andcultural objects (Fforde 2004; Fforde et al. 2002). Alongside theirinternational counterparts, Australian Indigenous communities have beenat the forefront of this movement, since many of their ancestors wereplaced in collections by the scientific community with the aim ofascertaining where they 'belonged' in evolutionary and racialclassification schema. The process of repatriating Indigenous Australianskeletal remains is now well underway with many large collections havingbeen returned (e.g. Hall 1986; Hemming & Wilson 2005; Lahn 1996;Turnbull 1993). However, there remain many outstanding issues forresolution. The repatriation of human remains is the beginning of a complexprocess that often rapidly exhausts local capacities and resources(Wilson 2005). Generally speaking there are three options available:retaining the remains in a Keeping Place (whether temporarily orpermanently); cremation cremation,disposal of a corpse by fire. It is an ancient and widespread practice, second only to burial. It has been found among the chiefdoms of the Pacific Northwest, among Northern Athapascan bands in Alaska, and among Canadian cultural groups. ; and/or reburial Noun 1. reburial - the act of burying againreburyingburying, burial - concealing something under the ground . While recognising theimportance of all these options, we concern ourselves here only withissues relating to relating torelate prep → concernantrelating torelate prep → bez��glich +gen, mit Bezug auf +accthe third option, reburial, and only when intermentoccurs in the ground (as opposed to bundle burials being placed in cavesor logs). In some instances, the community desires that reinterment occurs assoon as possible, and this is carried out quickly wherever access toland with secure tenure can be obtained. For other communities, it iscritically important to ensure their ancestors are reburied as close aspossible to their original interment locations, often entailing alengthier process in order to ascertain where that might be.Unfortunately, this outcome is not always achievable as sometimes theaccompanying documentation is insufficient to determine the originalburial location, or alternatively the burial site may have beendeveloped in the intervening period. In one instance involving the MuthiMuthi people, the original burial site had subsequently become a popularpublic camping area and Elders felt reburial would be safer in a moreprivate location nearby (Mary Pappin pers. comm.). Likewise, when almost200 individuals excavated in the 1970s from the Broadbeach burial ground Burial GroundAceldamapotter’s field; burial place for strangers. [N. T.: Matthew 27:6–10, Acts 1:18–19]Alloway graveyardwhere Tam O’Shanter saw witches dancing among opened coffins. [Br. Lit. (Haglund 1976) were repatriated, the Kombumerri community chose areburial location in parkland c. 1km from the original burial ground,the latter of which had been developed (Hall 1986). A different solutionwill sometimes emerge whereby reburial will take place in a missioncemetery with which the community has a connection, as was the case whenhuman remains were recently repatriated to the North Stradbroke Island North Stradbroke Island is an Australian island in the state of Queensland, 30km southeast of the capital Brisbane. Before 1896 the island was part of the Stradbroke Island. In that year a storm separated it from South Stradbroke Island, forming the Jumpinpin Channel. community (Aird 2002). Regardless of the specific circumstances, Indigenous communitiestypically express the strong desire to not cause disturbance to their insitu In place. When something is "in situ," it is in its original location. ancestors during any reinterment event. For this reason, the idealreburial location will satisfy community cultural requirements whilsthaving a low potential to already contain cultural materials, inparticular skeletal material. However, when known burial grounds areused for reinterment the very real possibility exists that the diggingof new graves will result in disturbance to existing graves. One method of finding appropriate places for reburial involves theapplication of geophysical survey Geophysical survey refers to the systematic collection of geophysical data for spatial studies. Geophysical surveys may use a great variety of sensing instruments, and data may be collected from above or below the Earth's surface or from aerial or marine platforms. . This application differs from normalarchaeological objectives, since its main purpose is not to findpre-existing sites, but to find ground that is relatively undisturbedwithin traditional burial places. In this paper we evaluate the use ofgeophysical techniques in exploring areas for potential reburial. Wefind that the ability to map the locations of existing graves andidentify areas of undisturbed ground through the application ofnoninvasive geophysical techniques is one that could prove valuable tocommunities beyond those of Indigenous Australians Indigenous Australians are descendants of the first known human inhabitants of the Australian continent and its nearby islands. The term includes both the Torres Strait Islanders and the Aboriginal People, who together make up about 2.5% of Australia's population. , including theresearch community. The cultural context of 'collecting' and repatriation inNgarrindjeri ruwe The Ngarrindjeri nation (see Figure 1) was possibly the mostaffected of any Indigenous group by nineteenth and twentieth-century'collecting'. The Ngarrindjeri ruwe ('lands andwaters') in the lower reaches of the Murray river Murray RiverPrincipal river of Australia. Rising near Mount Kosciusko, in southeastern New South Wales, it flows across southeastern Australia from the Snowy Mountains to the Great Australian Bight of the Indian Ocean; it is 1,609 mi (2,589 km) long. was rich inriverine riv��er��ine?adj.1. Relating to or resembling a river.2. Located on or inhabiting the banks of a river; riparian: "Members of a riverine tribe ... , coastal and estuarine es��tu��a��rine?adj.1. Of, relating to, or found in an estuary.2. Geology Formed or deposited in an estuary.Adj. 1. estuarine - of or relating to or found in estuariesestuarial resources. Consequently it supportedvery high population densities which in turn translated into largenumbers of burials, often located in the unconsolidated sands of theextensive contemporary and relict RELICT. A widow; as A B, relict of C D. dune systems of the region (Pardoe1988). Such sites are of strong cultural significance: For Ngarrindjeri people the spirits of the ancestors are still present at these sites and they believe that these spirits can have an impact on contemporary people and events. If they are disturbed they can be dangerous (Hemming 2000: 3). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Likewise, one of the co-authors of this paper has also made clearthe importance of burial sites: Where the people must go, they must remain. They can't be dug up and moved elsewhere. We cannot tamper with the place of the dead, the tools of the dead, the things sacred that are left with the dead, or the dead themselves (George Trevorrow, as cited in Bell 1998: 286). Unfortunately Ngarrindjeri cultural beliefs about theirancestors' resting places were not heeded by nineteenth-centuryinvaders. And neither was the viability of the living population: whenthe South Australia Company The South Australia Company was an organisation formed on 9 October 1835 to develop the new settlement in South Australia. Its purpose was to build a new colony in South Australia. arrived in 1836 it was estimated there wereat least 3000 Ngarrindjeri (Jenkin 1979); within 50 years only about 100remained (Taplin 1879). After Darwin published On the Origin of Speciesin 1859, scientific interest in the concepts of evolution and'faces' led to frantic efforts by researchers to gain accessto skeletal remains of Indigenous peoples around the world, particularlyAustralian Aboriginals who were considered at that time to belong to the'lowest' rung on the 'ladder' of humankind (Hubert& Fforde 2002). Owing to owing toprep.Because of; on account of: I couldn't attend, owing to illness.owing toprep → debido a, por causa dethe establishment of key institutions andthe actions of a few crucial figures, Adelaide was set to takecentre-stage in the gruesome body supply network, with the nearby,extensive Ngarrindjeri burial grounds destined to bear the brunt of theensuing desecration. The University of Adelaide Its main campus is located on the cultural boulevard of North Terrace in the city-centre alongside prominent institutions such as the Art Gallery of South Australia, the South Australian Museum and the State Library of South Australia. (UA) was established in1874 and its medical programme commenced a few years later. EdwardStirling served as the UA Professor of Physiology from 1887-1896(Edgeloe 1991). Additionally, he served as the Honorary Director of theSouth Australia South Australia,state (1991 pop. 1,236,623), 380,070 sq mi (984,381 sq km), S central Australia. It is bounded on the S by the Indian Ocean. Kangaroo Island and many smaller islands off the south coast are included in the state. Museum (see below) from 1885-1912 where he is creditedas being 'largely responsible far its excellent collection ofAboriginal cultural specimens' (Mincham 1976: 200). ArchibaldWatson Archibald Watson FRCS, (27 July 1849 – 30 July 1940) was an Australian surgeon and professor of anatomy at the University of Adelaide. Early lifeWatson was born at Tarcutta, New South Wales, the son of Sydney Grandison Watson, a retired naval officer who became a was appointed to the UA Elder Chair of Anatomy in 1884, aposition he held until 1919 (Edgeloe 1991). Both Stirling and Watson hadcompleted their medical training in Europe, and were both Fellows of theRoyal College of Surgeons, an institution that amassed an enormouscollection of skeletons (Fforde 1992). William Ramsay Smith William Ramsay Smith (1859 – 1937) was an Australian anthropologist. He was the son of William Smith and Mary MacDonald, was born at King Edward, Aberdeenshire, on 27 November 1859. was anotherkey Adelaide resident, having variously served as the Chairman of theCentral Board of Health, the City Coroner, Inspector of Anatomy, adoctor at the Adelaide Hospital and 'collector' on behalf ofhis alma mater, the Anatomy Department at the University of Edinburgh (body, education) University of Edinburgh - A university in the centre of Scotland's capital. The University of Edinburgh has been promoting and setting standards in education for over 400 years. ;his actions in the final role assisted that particular institution inassembling the largest collection of Indigenous skeletal remains inBritain (Fforde 2002: 73). In combination the above factors resulted in many hundreds ofNgarrindjeri 'Old People' (i.e. ancestral remains) beingstolen and sent overseas. Yet more Old People were not sent overseas,but instead were retained by the South Australia Museum--the major localcollecting institution established in 1856 (Hale 1956). It is estimatedthat this institution currently holds approximately 1000 remains(Hemming & Trevorrow 2005: 254), many of which were collected underthe auspices of archaeological research. For example, 136 individualswere 'excavated' from the Swanport burial ground by Stirling(1911) and added to the South Australia Museum collections, which werestill being expanded in the 1970s through investigations of the Roonkaburial ground (Pretty 1977). Although Ngarrindjeri people had been requesting the return oftheir Old People since as early as 1903 (Steve Hemming pers. comm.),repatriation did not commence in any major way until April 2003, whenmore than 300 Old People, mostly collected by Ramsay Smith, werereturned to the community from the University of Edinburgh, an eventfollowed in 2004 by the return of 74 Old People from Museum Victoria.While Ngarrindjeri Elders discuss how and where to proceed withreinterment, the majority of the repatriated Old People are cared for ina temporary keeping place at Camp Coorong, a community run culturaleducation centre. While there are many important decisions to be made with regards toreburial, at the forefront of most Ngarrindjeri peoples' minds isthe cultural imperative to re-inter the Old People in their rightfulruwe: ... they [the government] would like us to take all our Old People's remains and take them to one central location and do a big reburial. For example they say why don't you take them all home to Raukkan? You've got a burial ground there and bury them all there or why don't you take them to Murrunggung at Wellington or somewhere else and do one big reburial? We can't do that because culturally that's wrong. If they come from the river that's their country, that's their lakalinyerar and their Ngartji group--their totem group where they come from. If they come from the lake that's their group, if they come from the Coorong that's their country there and that's where they have to go back (Tom Trevorrow, as cited in Wilson 2005: 93). It is within this context that in September 2006 the Ngarrindjericommunity set about conducting the first of many reburial ceremoniesnecessary following the Edinburgh and Museum Victoria repatriationevents. Written documentation accompanying the repatriated Old Peoplewas minimal, bur in one case it was sufficiently detailed to determinethat some had been taken from Hack's Point, a small promontory promontory/prom��on��to��ry/ (prom��on-tor?e) a projecting process or eminence. prom��on��to��ryn.A projecting part.promontorya projecting process or eminence. inthe lagoonal waters of the Coorong (see Figure 1). Hack's Point isone of the few remaining areas which contemporary Ngarrindjeri peopleretain direct control over, and community members have a detailedknowledge of its complex, multi-layered landscape. It was traditionallyused for a restricted range of specific cultural activities, and theresults of archaeological surveys and excavations in the area reinforcethe oral histories, revealing burials, fish traps, stone artefact See artifact. scatters (quite rare in the region) and a small number of low densityshell scatters associated with cooking stones (Wallis et al. 2006;2007). Following numerous community discussions, the Ngarrindjerileadership decided to carry out the reburial of 13 Old People at thesouthern end of Hack's Point on the margin of a small mound knownto be a traditional burial ground. Elders expressed considerable concernthat the reinterment should not disturb existing burials, and soarrangements were made to conduct a geophysical survey prior to thereburial to assist them in making an informed decision about where toposition the new graves. Using geophysical techniques to locate burials The use of geophysical techniques in archaeological and forensicinvestigations to locate graves is well documented, though typically insituations involving historic or very recent interments rather thanIndigenous burials (e.g. Davenport 2001; Powell 2004; Roark et al. 1998;Ruffell 2005). Of the methods available, ground penetrating radar (GPR (Ground Penetrating Radar) A UWB-based technology that locates objects buried underground. It is used to locate buried lines, storage tanks, pipes and conduits as well as to determine the structural integrity of the ground underneath a road or runway. )has proven to be the most consistently successful (France et al. 1992),usually when there are clear areas of dislocated stratigraphy stratigraphy,branch of geology specifically concerned with the arrangement of layered rocks (see stratification). Stratigraphy is based on the law of superposition, which states that in a normal sequence of rock layers the youngest is on top and the oldest on the or whereinterment involves a coffin. In some specific geological environmentsthe skeletal material itself can be detected (e.g. Schultz et al. 2006),although this is extremely rare. The downside of GPR is that it tends torequire extensive post-acquisition processing and the instrumentationitself is expensive. Direct current resistivity resistivityElectrical resistance of a conductor of unit cross-sectional area and unit length. The resistivity of a conductor depends on its composition and its temperature. has also been used as atool for geophysical investigations of burials with some success (Owsleyet al. 2006). Other techniques that have been used with varying degrees ofsuccess for sub-surface burial detection include magnetometry andelectromagnetic induction electromagnetic induction:see induction. electromagnetic inductionInduction of an electromotive force in a circuit by varying the magnetic flux linked with the circuit. . Magnetometry, either in single sensor orgradiometer mode, has a long history of use in European and NorthAmerican North Americannamed after North America.North American blastomycosissee North American blastomycosis.North American cattle ticksee boophilusannulatus. archaeology (e.g. Abbott & Frederick 1990; Black &Johnston 1962). Fire has been a particular target of magnetometerinvestigations as this event has been demonstrated to create magneticanomalies either through the enhancement of soil magnetic susceptibility Magnetic susceptibilityThe magnetization of a material per unit applied field. It describes the magnetic response of a substance to an applied magnetic field. (Dalan & Banerjee 1998; Weston 2002) or the contribution of wood ash(McClean & Kean 1993; Peters et al. 2001), or flora both mechanisms(Linford & Canti 2001). If burial traditions involved an aspect offire (such as smoking the burial pit or cremation of the body itself),magnetometry may be of some assistance in identifying intermentlocations. An additional use of magnetic methods for the location ofburials is through the disturbance of magnetic properties of the soilstratigraphy (Nobes 1999: 363). Electromagnetic induction (EMI (ElectroMagnetic Interference) An electrical disturbance in a system due to natural phenomena, low-frequency waves from electromechanical devices or high-frequency waves (RFI) from chips and other electronic devices. Allowable limits are governed by the FCC. ) is capable of detecting a widerange of features including soil type, sediment type, bedrock locationor presence of cultural material and has been applied with success atarchaeological sites for a variety of tasks (Kvamme 2003). The EMItechnique can locate burials through either the detection of metallicgrave goods In archaeology and anthropology grave goods are the items buried along with the body.They are usually personal possessions, supplies to smooth the deceased's journey into the afterlife or offerings to the gods. Grave goods are a type of votive deposit. or metal within the interment 'vessel', or throughchanges to the soil conductivity caused by the burial and associatedsedimentary disturbance, as well as theoretically by detecting theactual skeletal remains themselves, although the latter is unlikely inmost situations (Nobes 2000: 716; Nobes & Tyndall 1995: 266). Survey methodology The Hack's Point survey was carried out using magnetometry andEMI techniques, chosen on the basis of their inexpensive nature, wideavailability, ease of execution and the specific types of anomalies weexpected to encounter. Traditional Ngarrindjeri burial ceremonies wereconducted over periods up to three months and included the use of firefor smoking bodies suspended on platforms (Bell 1998: 296; Taplin 1879),as well as possibly smoking the burial pits (the latter practice issurmised based on the discovery of charcoal in the base of burial pits;see Wallis et al. 2006; 2007). Other anomalies that might potentiallyhave been detected during the survey included ground disturbanceunrelated to human interment, such as campfires, animal burrows or treeroots. Other experience in the region had demonstrated that theapplication of GPR in this context was likely to be unsuccessful owingto the presence of extensive rabbit burrowing (Moffat et al. 2007). The general survey location was clearly defined by members of theNgarrindjeri leadership as a small area, allowing a 20 x 20m survey tobe completed within a restricted rime flame. A 1m grid was laid out overthe survey area using an automatic level to facilitate the collection oftopographic, EMI and magnetometer data. While laying out and collectingdata over a 1m survey grid is time consuming, it has the benefit ofensuring the spatial data Data that is represented as 2D or 3D images. A geographic information system (GIS) is one of the primary applications of spatial data (land maps). See spatial analysis, spatial resolution and GIS glossary. is accurate to approximately [+ or -] 10cm,dependant on the degree of topographic change across the site,vegetation cover and daily climatic conditions. Given that AustralianIndigenous sites are generally characterised by a low degree ofanthropogenic an��thro��po��gen��ic?adj.1. Of or relating to anthropogenesis.2. Caused by humans: anthropogenic degradation of the environment. modification to their detectable physical properties,accurate positioning information significantly enhances the chance oflocating them. All collected data were gridded with MagPick softwareusing a spline interpolation (Smith & Wessel 1990) with an X and Yinterval of 0.1, a tension of 0.25 for 4000 interations with aconvergence limit of 0.1 using the highest and lowest data values asdata limits. Data were displayed as a simple contour map with 250non-equalised colour points with overlain o��ver��lain?v.Past participle of overlie. contours. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Results Several discrete magnetic anomalies were identified within thesurvey area interpreted as resulting from the formation of magneticminerals during burning events (see Figure 2). The narrow range ofmagnetic intensity values (less than 30nT) highlights the subtlety ofthese features, probably a result of the low expected level of ironoxides within the local sediment (cf. Gaffney & Gater 2004: 39).Despite this, features from Indigenous burning activity havesuccessfully been detected using the same equipment as that used in thissurvey and so the results are directly comparable (Abbott &Frederick 1990; Frederick & Abbott 1992). No discrete anomalies werelocated using EMI. This may reflect the small volume of skeletalmaterial present within individual burials and the relatively homogenous homogenous - homogeneous composition of the lithological material within the survey area,suggesting that transitions between grave fill and in situ materialwould be muted. Clearly this investigation was not a definitive test of theapplicability of magnetometry and EMI methods to locate sub-surfaceskeletal material, for which many studies already exist (eg. Buck 2003);indeed, it would have contradicted the philosophy of this study toattempt to ground-truth the geophysical results. Nevertheless, on thebasis of the geophysical survey results, an area with no evidence forprior disturbance was identified, the grave was subsequently dug withoutencountering any cultural material and the first Ngarrindjeri reburialceremony and reinterment was successfully conducted on 26 September 2006(see Figure 3). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] Towards a community based geophysical survey methodology The geophysical survey philosophy developed in this case study hassignificant applications within the repatriation process. Indigenouscommunities are often confounded by the number of individualsrepatriated and the desire to reinter Re`in`ter´v. t. 1. To inter again. their ancestors in known burialgrounds whilst not disturbing in situ burials. Given the lack offinancial support to Indigenous communities for conducting reburials(Meara 2007; Wilson 2005), particularly when numerous reinterments areinvolved, the cost of utilising commercial geophysical survey companiesto help locate appropriate sites would be prohibitive. The solutionproposed here was the employment of a robust survey methodology that canbe applied using inexpensive and widely available equipment that isrelatively simple to operate in the field by the members of thecommunity themselves. Previous experience of teaching undergraduate and postgraduatearchaeology students at Flinders University with no prior geophysicalsurvey experience has shown that in just two days students can becomesufficiently skilled to independently conduct simple magnetometer andEMI surveys over small areas. While competency in data acquisition tasksis rapidly attained, a much greater investment of time is required inorder to attain proficiency in data processing and interpretation. Thisis because the operator must have been exposed to the geophysicalresponses of many targets in a variety of settings before they can makerobust interpretations of their data (Schurr 1997: 76). We consider thispoint to be particularly relevant here, as the types of anomalies likelyto be found in repatriation related surveys will present as very subtletargets. Our experience does however suggest that like universitystudents, Indigenous community members could be trained to collect theirown geophysical data with some techniques, which could then be passed onto experienced operators for processing and interpretation to assist inthe identification of suitable sites for reburial. This wouldsignificantly decrease the cost of conducting commercial geophysicalsurvey on such sites, through the elimination of field relatedprofessional staff and mobilisation costs. Conclusion As repatriation events become more common throughout Australia andaround the world, Indigenous communities are moving forward, makingdecisions about how best to care for their newly returned ancestors. Atthe same time archaeologists continue to negotiate their position(s) inthe repatriation debate, with many attempting to establish new, moreequitable relationships with communities to ensure the continuedrelevance of the discipline in the modern political context. Geophysicalmethods were successfully utilised by the Ngarrindjeri community toassist them in carrying out a reburial ceremony in 2006 without causingdamage to their already interred Old People. At the same time,investigations here and elsewhere (Moffat et al. 2007) have demonstratedthat in at least some instances geophysical techniques offer thepotential to locate and map Indigenous burials (or their absence) in anon-invasive, culturally appropriate manner. Thus, working inpartnership with the Ngarrindjeri community, archaeologists havediscovered that reburial is affording hitherto unrealised opportunitiesfor research. Our experience suggests it is relatively inexpensive totrain Indigenous community members in geophysical data acquisitiontechniques. They can then purchase or hire the equipment necessary toconduct geophysical surveys of potential reinterment locationsthemselves. Archaeologists and geophysicists can provide off-sitesupport in processing and interpretation and at the same time reap aresearch dividend. The Ngarrindjeri case study demonstrates thatarchaeologists can continue to engage with Indigenous communities in therepatriation process in a positive manner, building relationships thatfacilitate collaborative research opportunities in the future. Acknowledgements we acknowledge the contribution of the students of the 2006 HindersUniversity Indigenous Archaeology Field School for conducting parts ofthe geophysical survey and processing some of the data. EcophyteTechnologies Pty Ltd are thanked for freely providing the GEM-2 EMIinstrument and other in-kind support for the survey. Martin Carver,Laurajane Smith and an anonymous reviewer are thanked for their commentsthat proved helpful in revising this paper. Kieron Amphlett is thankedfor drawing Figure 1. The non-Ngarrindjeri authors would like to thankthe Ngarrindjeri Heritage Committee and community for welcoming us totheir ruwe and entrusting us with the rights and responsibilities ofhelping in some small way to repatriate their Old People. Received: 3 October 2007; Accepted: 27 November 2007; Revised: 10December 2007 References ABBOTT, J.T. & C.D. FREDERICK. 1990. Proton magnetometerinvestigations of burned rock middens in west-central Texas: Clues toformation processes. Journal of Archaeological Science 17: 535-45. AIRD, M. 2002. Developments in the repatriation of human remainsand other cultural items in Queensland, Australia, in C. Fforde, J.Hubert & E Turnbull (ed.) The Dead and Their Possessions:Repatriation in Principle, Policy and Practice: 303-11. London:Routledge. BELL, D. 1998. Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin: A world that is, was andwill be. 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