International day of collaborative music.

International day of collaborative music. January 22, 2011, was designated as the International Day ofCollaborative Music (IDCM), one special day devoted to collaborativemusic making throughout the world. The day was part of the Year ofCollaborative Music sponsored by the Music Teachers NationalAssociation. University of North Carolina School of the Arts Photos by Donald Dietz [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * At left and below, Margo Garrett enjoys giving interpretivepointers to UNCSA students Christopher Murdock and Rebecca Blank. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Above and right, song interpretation is serious business forMargo Garrett as she works with UNCSA students Anne Marie Padelford andLogan Webber. Logan Webber. The New School for Music Study [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * The New School for Music Study presented "Duets That Sing& Dance" performed by its faculty, students and their familymembers at Stonebridge at Montgomery, a senior living community in NewJersey. Below, Kushi Nigam and Sara Ernst, NCTM, perform "Ladybug,Ladybug" by Mary Leaf. At left, Paige and Hayley Kunkle, voice andpiano, perform "Let Me Call You Sweetheart." University of North Texas [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Saxophonist Ann Bradfield joined Percussion Chair Mark Ford inpresenting his Wink, as part of Collaborative Music: A Celebration, heldat the University of North Texas. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Schumann's rarely heard Andante und Variationen waspresented by Collaborative Piano Coordinator Steven Harlos with alumnaNataliya Sukhina, and faculty members Nikola Ruzevic, cello, and JeffBradetich, double bass, with guest artist David Thompson, horn, as partof Collaborative Music: A Celebration, held at the University of NorthTexas. * Collaborative piano faculty member Elvia Puccinelli performsBeethoven's An Die ferne Geliebte with Voice Division Chair andbaritone Jeffrey Snider as part of Collaborative Music: A Celebration,held at the University of North Texas. The Athens Community School and Ohio MTA Southeast District [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * The Athens Community Music School, with the Ohio University PrepDepartment, and the Southeast Ohio Music Teachers Association (SEOMTA)held an International Day of Collaborative Music recital Sunday, January23, at Ohio University, Athens, Ohio. Ohio MTA Southwest District [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * In celebration of the International Day of Collaborative Music,the Ohio Music Teachers Association Southwest District held events inthe following Cincinnati locations: Premier Pianos in West Chester, theCincinnati Music Academy in Silverton, Anderson Center Theater and theKeyboard Club in Clifton. Suzanne Bona Hatem, flute, and Wendy Haas,bassoon, perform in one of the events. * Jonathan Weng, violin, Shoyo Hakozaki, cello, and Joseph Vaz,piano, coached by Richard Van Dyke perform Piano Trio in F Major byHummell in celebration of International Day of Collaborative Music atthe Cincinnati Music Academy. * Students Sara Reszutek and Kelsey Craig, with instructor DanielleHundley, perform in a flute trio at the Cincinnati Music Academy incelebration of International Day of Collaborative Music. * Vivian Xu and Richard Van Dyke perform a piano duet incelebration of International Day of Collaborative Music at theCincinnati Music Academy. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] University of Texas at Brownsville [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * University of Texas at Brownsville and Texas Southmost Collegepresented the International Day of Collaborative Music Concert. Theperformers are: From left, Linda Chavez, Megan Pitcock, VictoriaRodriguez, Stephanie Garza, Eradio Martinez, Gerardo Ledesma, TomasAlvarado, Anthony Hudgins, Juan Torres, Dr. Kenneth Saxon (instructor),Jessica Lustenberger and Daniel Mego. The Grays Harbor Chapter of WSMTA Photos by Keith Krueger [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * The Grays Harbor Chapter of the Washington State Music TeachersAssociation presented Musicale 2011 as part of the International Day ofCollaborative Music. The performers above are: from left, Erica Hollen,Laura Hill, Christine Hill and Kari Hasbrouck. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Above, Phyllis Pieffer and Jacek Lerych perform [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Phyllis Pieffer, Lindell Stacy-Horton and Jenny Leighton arepictured at left during the Grays Harbor MTA IDCM celebration. * At right, Merry Jo Zimmer, Phyllis Pieffer, Erica Hollen andEllen Pickell perform. Eastman Community Music School * The Eastman Community Music School hosted 11 concerts presentedby faculty, staff and students and all departments in the school forInternational Day of Collaborative Music. Below, faculty and high schoolstudent perform in one of the concerts. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] * Above, administrators Abra Bush and Marie Rolf perform. * At right, members of the Eastman Community Music School OrganDepartment perform during the IDCM event.

International educator compensation.

International educator compensation. In the United Kingdom, teachers in areas with teacher shortages areforgiven their entire college tuition The examples and perspective in this article may not represent a worldwide view of the subject.Please [ improve this article] or discuss the issue on the talk page.College tuition costs after serving for 10 years. Danish teachers in remote schools are eligible for freeaccommodations, a home personal computer and access to wholesaleshopping. And in Sweden, salaries are negotiated based on the subject taught,school demographics The attributes of people in a particular geographic area. Used for marketing purposes, population, ethnic origins, religion, spoken language, income and age range are examples of demographic data. , the school's needs, and the teacher'sbackground, skills and performance. These are a few reforms in use in foreign, high-cost countries,according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. a report, Teacher and Principal Compensation: AnInternational Review, by the Center for American Progress The Center for American Progress is a progressive American political policy research and advocacy organization. Its website describes it as "...a nonpartisan research and educational institute dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity for all. . The U.S. is not alone in finding and keeping quality teachers inclassrooms as more people are needed to have and teach in-depth skills.Last century teachers recruited from the bottom list of those enteringcollege and then trained to provide a modest level of literacy, or oneon par with eighth-grade literacy, are becoming obsolete, the reportnotes. Many countries in Europe and South America South America,fourth largest continent (1991 est. pop. 299,150,000), c.6,880,000 sq mi (17,819,000 sq km), the southern of the two continents of the Western Hemisphere. are testingacross-the-board salary adjustments for teachers and other incentives toget them to shortage areas. But some differences lurk To view the interaction in a chat room or online forum without participating by typing in any comments. See de-lurk. lurk - lurking . For example, some nations with similarteacher-student ratios to the U.S. have larger class sizes, but theteachers, say in Japan, typically have more time to plan with otherteachers, build curriculum and work with their students individually. www.americanprogress.orgTeacher HoursHours per week in teacher contractsin upper secondary school:Iceland 45Rep. of Korea 44Norway 44Australia 36U.S. 33England 33Scotland 28New Zealand 23Source: Teacher and Principal Compensationreport, Center for American Progress

Internationalization and Domestic Politics.

Internationalization and Domestic Politics. Robert O. Keohane and Helen V. Milner, (eds.) (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). , 1996) 308 pp. The preface alone signals the problems that considerably diminishthe impact of this volume. The editors state that the periodical thatcommissioned this project, the International Organization, where Keohaneand Milner serve as editors, declined to publish it as a special issueor as a companion to one of the regular editions. There are severalreasons why this book does not contribute effectively to existingliterature. First and foremost, it is largely synthetic, compilingpieces that do not add to works already published by the same authorseither in International Organization(1) or in other forums.(2) Secondly, the stylistic presentations are written in a circuitous cir��cu��i��tous?adj.Being or taking a roundabout, lengthy course: took a circuitous route to avoid the accident site. manner not easily understandable to the lay reader. The authors misapply mis��ap��ply?tr.v. mis��ap��plied, mis��ap��ply��ing, mis��ap��pliesTo use or apply wrongly.mis��ap fundamental concepts such as capitalism and transaction cost. Capitalismis, in essence, used by the authors as a synonym for resources ratherthan as a system of complex social relations. Transaction cost seeminglyrefers to intra-institutional bargaining. Consequently, the analysisdoes not fully address the mechanisms that determine price and createefficiency and thus it largely ignores the daily fluctuations of theopen market. Finally, the authors offer little that iscounter-intuitive; the scope and breadth of interest is limited totraditional research. Consequently, this volume is largely predictable, suffers fromtruisms, and is not worthy of the high stature almost automaticallysecured by the fact it was published by Cambridge University Press aspart of its prestigious series of Cambridge Studies in ComparativePolitics. While the assembly of academics is first-rate, the viewsrepresented offer little contrast. The group lacks intellectualdiversity and appears incapable of deviating from the dominant line. Thebook offers continuity rather than novelty and it functions as acodification The collection and systematic arrangement, usually by subject, of the laws of a state or country, or the statutory provisions, rules, and regulations that govern a specific area or subject of law or practice. of orthodoxy in the field. Indeed, this highly-placed circle is inside the same `theoreticalloop' that lacks the tools to properly address technologicaladvancements, the recent innovations in the field of communication,changes in political culture since the collapse of communism and thedramatic expansion in the scale of international economic activity.These essays are limited mostly to high-brow scholarship with adispassionate tone that is steeped in the discourse of the 1970s. Assuch, they often ignore the new ground being broken in the rich andevolving multi-disciplinary field of political economy. The writersstress economics without fully elucidating the nuanced politicalprocesses that formed the various systems of influence andpower-wielding described in the book. The general tone of this volume favors the current agenda andpolicies of the nascent World Trade Organization, which is to succeedGATT See General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. GATTSee General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). . The authors are laissez-faire liberals in the classical,pre-progressive, nineteenth century sense. They essentially propagatethe elitist, anti-regulation manner of governance that is pro-businessand pro-status quo. The result is an impoverishment of the debate,primarily due to the imbalance between the neoliberal ne��o��lib��er��al��ism?n.A political movement beginning in the 1960s that blends traditional liberal concerns for social justice with an emphasis on economic growth.ne approach and theadverse consequences that internationalization The support for monetary values, time and date for countries around the world. It also embraces the use of native characters and symbols in the different alphabets. See localization, i18n, Unicode and IDN. internationalization - internationalisation often has had on themiddle and, most notably, on the lower strata of both industrialized aswell as developing societies The work's narrow approach is further evidenced by therelative absence of material concerning Western Europe, where the driveto consolidate internationalization has been the most vigorous, andwhere the national states still assert the lion's share ofrole-making power. Other regions, including the Americas, are trying toduplicate the major successes of the European Union. Hence, a closerlook at the particular variables that governed its evolution could haveenriched this work.(3) The end of the Cold War has resulted in a challenge to thetheoretical concept that the state is central and sovereign in globalevents. Many contemporary scholars--whose views are not represented inthis book--consider the state to be more of an actor rather than thecontrolling factor in a very complex system composed of domestic forcessuch as the existence of a civil society, trade unions and politicalparties, as well as ethnic, religious and cultural bonds. Furthermore,all of these elements are affected by catalysts that includenongovernmental organizations (NGOs), regional confederations,international associations and, perhaps most importantly, multinationalcorporations. Consequently, the application of the terminternationalization does not leave sufficient room for exogenousconcepts such as interdependence, inherent to the cross-border nature ofcommerce, that has recast the theories of international relations.Moreover, the works almost ignore emerging literature concerning theimportance of these elements and references to feminist critique and therole of religion or socialist thought. The hypothesis is based on the strength ofinternationalization--as interpreted by the participants--which isalmost an invalid concept in the 1990s. In analyzing domestic and globalfactors that are mostly nongovernmental, it ironically relies on astate-centered paradigm. The editors never use the term that manyexperts in the field prefer: globalization globalizationProcess by which the experience of everyday life, marked by the diffusion of commodities and ideas, is becoming standardized around the world. Factors that have contributed to globalization include increasingly sophisticated communications and transportation . Globalization is oftenpreferred because it lends more credence to such non-state-based,extra-political phenomena such as multinational corporations that betterexemplify the broader processes of modernization and commodification Commodification (or commoditization) is the transformation of what is normally a non-commodity into a commodity, or, in other words, to assign value. As the word commodity has distinct meanings in business and in Marxist theory, commodification ofcapital. If the books' scholars wonder why policymakers do not payenough attention to their research, the apparent answer is thatlaypersons and professionals alike need explanations that go beyondobsolete models.(4) (1) Examples include: Ronald Rogowski, Commerce andCoalitions: How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1989); Frances McCall Rosenbluth, FinancialPolitics in Contemporary Japan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989);Stephan Haggard, Developing Nations and the Politics of GlobalIntegration (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1995)(2) See Robert 0. Keohane, "International Institutions: TwoApproaches" International Studies Quarter) (1988) 32: 379-96, hisInternational Institutions and State Power: Essays in InternationalRelations Theory International relations theory attempts to provide a conceptual model upon which international relations can be analyzed. Each theory is reductive and essentialist to different degrees, relying on different sets of assumptions respectively. (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1989); and the bookon political economy he coedited with Judith Goldstein, Ideas andForeign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, NewYork This article is about the City of Ithaca and the region. For the legally distinct town which itself is a part of the Ithaca metropolitan area, see Ithaca (town), New York.For other places or objects named Ithaca, see Ithaca (disambiguation). : Cornell University Press, 1993). Previous works in the same veinwere Keohane's Transnational Relations and World Politics(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press The Harvard University Press is a publishing house, a division of Harvard University, that is highly respected in academic publishing. It was established on January 13, 1913. In 2005, it published 220 new titles. , 1972); andcoauthored with Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence: World Politicsin Transition (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1977).(3) Geoffrey Gartett, who did not contribute to this collection,published an article concerning "International Cooperation andInstitutional Choice: The European Community's InternalMarket," in International Organization (1992) 46: pp. 553-60.(4) For good analyses of globalization and the changed conditions foreconomic transactions see Steven Gill, American Hegemony and TrilateralCommission. In addition, see Suzan Berger, National Diversity &Global Capitalism, a work that, quite surprisingly, is not cited by theauthors in the present book, and Eric Hellner, States of the Emergenceof Global Finance.Itai Sneh is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History atColumbia University.

Internet Equity Act Clears House Committee.

Internet Equity Act Clears House Committee. On August 1, the House Education and the Workforce Committee passedthe Internet Equity and Education Act (H.R. 1992) by a vote of 31-10. Itamends AMENDS. A satisfaction, given by a wrong doer to the party injured for a wrong committed. 1 Lilly's Reg. 81. 2. By statute 24 Geo. II. c. 44, in England, and by similar statutes in some of the United States, justices of the peace, upon being notified of an the Higher Education Act The Higher Education Act may refer to an Act of either the Congress of the United States or of the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Higher Education Act of 1965, an Act of the Congress of the United States which was supposed to strengthen the resources of colleges and of 1965 to exempt courses offeredthrough telecommunications from certain limitations on student financialassistance with respect to correspondence courses. H.R. 1992 would allow institutions to offer more than 50 percent oftheir classes by telecommunications if the institution alreadyparticipates in the student loan programs and the institution'sstudent loan default rate is less than 10 percent for the three mostrecent years. The Internet Equity Act is sponsored by Rep. Johnny Isakson John Hardy "Johnny" Isakson (born December 28 1944), is an American politician, who has been the Republican junior United States Senator from Georgia since 2005. Previously, he represented Georgia's 6th Congressional district in the House from 1999 to 2005. (R-Ga.), who says, "From our examination of how the Internet wasbeing used to improve learning opportunities, it was clear that thelandscape of education is expanding with such speed and such enormouspotential that we, as legislators and community leaders, have theresponsibility to develop policies that will ensure that newtechnologies enhance, rather than frustrate, learning." According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Rep. Howard P. "Buck" McKeon (R-Calif.), thechairman of the Subcommittee sub��com��mit��tee?n.A subordinate committee composed of members appointed from a main committee.subcommitteeNoun on 21st Century Competitiveness,"Enactment of [H.R. 1992] will send a strong message to collegesand universities that Congress truly is committed to relieving theirregulatory burden while improving and increasing Internet educationservices for their students."

Interpretation and Uses of Medical Statistics, fifth edition.

Interpretation and Uses of Medical Statistics, fifth edition. Interpretation and Uses of Medical Statistics, fifth edition Leslie E. Daly and Geoffrey J. Bourke Wiley/Blackwell Science 10475 Crosspoint Boulevard, Indianapolis, IN 46256 9780632047635, $129.94 www.blackwell-science.com Interpretation and Uses of Medical Statistics first appeared in1969 and provided ideas on statistics' applications to medicalscience to those with no formal training in this area. This 5th updatededition represents a vastly expanded coverage with major changes: somesections have been totally rewritten, it's organized more logicallybased on the latest brain research studies and use-friendly approaches,and it flags chapters that are more difficult to absorb. Two newchapters have also been added too, making this a substantial addition toany medical collection.

Interpretative archaeology.

Interpretative archaeology. It is sometimes said that post-processual theory is nothing if itis not critique, and many archaeologists would accept that in some areasthe post-processual critique of New and other kinds of archaeology hasbeen most effective. The post-processual agenda implied by this critiqueis a more complex matter, a longer-term, more experimental project - aquestion of choosing different subject-matter, taking particularideological or political stances, and establishing a fresh relationshipbetween archaeological material and what is written about it. The recentpublication of Interpretative archaeology and A phenomenology phenomenology,modern school of philosophy founded by Edmund Husserl. Its influence extended throughout Europe and was particularly important to the early development of existentialism. oflandscape [hereinafter IA and PL] allows us a chance to see how theseapproaches work out in practice. An important theme for post-processualism is the interpretation of`meaning' in past material culture, which focusses much moreattention on art, architecture and style than has been customary in mostareas of recent archaeological endeavour. However, there is a certaintension and confusion between getting at meanings 'out there',in the sense of `drawing conclusions' about the mental world ofpeople of the past, and developing an interpretative discussionadmirable for its philosophical and rhetorical agility but necessarily,unashamedly un��a��shamed?adj.Feeling or showing no remorse, shame, or embarrassment:una��sham , deliberately inconclusive. How far can the new approachesbreak the log-jam presented by the material? How far do theoreticiansdesire to have `found out' something new about the past, as well asfeeling good about the kind of things they write? Post-processualist approaches to the interpretation of`meaning' seem to fall along a continuum. At one end is thecognitive/structuralist approach, in the tradition of Leroi-Gourhan, orHodder at Catal Huyuk, represented in IA by the Thomas & Tilleypiece `The axe and the torso', which claims that the symbolicmeaning of prehistoric `art' can be read more or less directlyafter an analysis of pattern and position. In the middle are scholarssuch as Bradley (in his work on north British North British is an adjective used as an alternative to "Scottish" which emphasises Britishness -- see North Britain. It may refer to: North British Railway North British Locomotive Company North British Distillery petroglyphs, e.g. Bradley1994), or Kirk and Richards in IA, who also work with pattern andposition, but at a deeper and less precise level, more from theperspective of Giddens and Bourdieu, seeking recursive See recursion. recursive - recursion relationshipsbetween design in landscapes, buildings or monuments, and power andritual in the world of the social. At the other end of the continuum arethose who are interested in the constructed world as sensuouslyexperienced by the human body, but wish to go beyond the immediacy ofdesign to consider more profound spatial and temporal rhythms (e.g.Gosden 1994). According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. its editor, IA is intended to address the`failure' of post-processual archaeology to provide many clearlyworked-out examples tackling archaeological data. The same could be saidof much of PL, which is about experience and understanding of`landscape', with special reference to the British Neolithic. Ofthe two books, Phenomenology hangs together better than Interpretativearchaeology, and not simply because it has a single author and a unitarytheme. In PL's two introductory essays, Tilley expounds a theory oflandscape perception for that long period of relatively fluid and mobilehunting/gathering and early farming which apparently preceded the onsetof territory, territorial sub-division and more stable settlementpatterns. This is a very clear, eloquent advocacy of the terrain madefamiliar to some extent by Barrett's Fragments from Antiquity andIngold's The appropriation of nature, not to mention recenttreatments of aboriginal Australian concepts of landscape. Then the `places, paths and monuments' approach is applied tothe megalithic meg��a��lith?n.A very large stone used in various prehistoric architectures or monumental styles, notably in western Europe during the second millennium b.c. tombs of southeast and southwest Wales. The BlackMountains Black Mountains:see Appalachian Mountains; Mitchell, Mount. megaliths are shown to form a clear pattern, in terms of theirspacing behaviour as well as the landscape features to which theyrespond - rivers and prominent hills. Tilley's more selectivetreatment of the Pembrokeshire tombs emphasizes close relationships withrock outcrops and outstanding hill-tops, which - perhaps inevitably -are regarded as liminal liminal/lim��i��nal/ (lim��i-n'l) barely perceptible; pertaining to a threshold. lim��i��naladj.Relating to a threshold.liminalbarely perceptible; pertaining to a threshold. features. The outcrops are also sources of stonefor the tombs, however, and it might have been instructive to haveconsidered the landscape correlates - and stone sources - of thosePembrokeshire tombs which are in other kinds of location. Some of thesearguments cut both ways. Should one be cautious about postulating sacredmountains Sacred mountains are mountains sacred to certain religion. Almost all religions have some sacred mountains - either holy themselves (like Mount Olympus in Greek mythology) or related to famous events (like Mount Sinai in Judaism and descendant religions). in areas like southwest Wales where isolated hills, and thePreseli range itself, are so dominant on the skyline? Or does thetopography make such postulates almost inevitable? Neither thehypothesis-testing approach implied by the first question nor thedeterminism implied by the second will appeal to post-processualists.Yet it is fascinating to note that, of Tilley's two sacredNeolithic mountains, Carn Ingli was the `hill of angels',definitely a liminal place for the Irish saint Brynach. And on thewestern edge of the Black Mountains, Mynydd Troed - for Tilley the hillon which a group of long barrows was focussed, looking like a giant`natural' long barrow A long barrow is a prehistoric monument dating to the early Neolithic period. They are rectangular or trapezoidal earth mounds traditionally interpreted as collective tombs. itself - gave its name to Garth Matrun, the`hillspur of the Great Mother', the old name of the 5th-centurykingdom based on the zone around Llangors Lake (Thomas 1994: 57 145-6). Of the 10 essays in IA, two are essentially `approaches'papers and three are not concerned with the interpretation ofarchaeological data - conspicuously so in the case of the story told inchapter 9, in which a fictitious Welsh schoolboy, Richard Jones, sendsoff for a lot of British university archaeology prospectuses and ends upshredding them all in disgust. I was delighted that such a snooty littlehorror would not trouble the admissions tutors further. The recruitingliterature of British archaeology departments may well be good for alaugh, but - for whatever reason - university-based archaeology in thesecond part of the 20th century has been an undoubted success. What isneeded here is hardly the epatation of people whose claim to bebourgeois is debatable. Some university departments of archaeology haveactually done what they should do, providing the conditions in whichunconventional scholars can get on with their work and even eventuallyget `head-hunted'. Let us see some more incisive critiques of themanagerial doctrines which are damaging our subject and thearchaeological community in UK universities, and the uncritical andsometimes unethical way in which some of our colleagues are going alongwith them. The data-oriented papers in IA deal with art and architecture inthe Neolithic and Bronze Age Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the of northwest Europe, and it is here thatthe reader may have problems. Post-processualists clearly enjoy degreesof freedom in interpreting art and architecture which will notautomatically commend their work to readers who are hoping for a`result' in terms of our understanding of how it was in the past.It is not always clear how far the writers are claiming that they havemade progress, in these terms, and how far they are simply saying `thisis a new approach which you might like to think about'. This is aclassic problem for thinking archaeologists, but it is important, in theshuttle between hubris HubrisAn arrogance due to excessive pride and an insolence toward others. A classic character flaw of a trader or investor. and humility, to be clear about how the argumentintersects with the data. Assertion, though unavoidable at times. is nota substitute for argument; a sceptic might conclude that, in some ofthese writings, argument by assertion is too unproblematic, whileargument by one assertion after another is apparently called `rhizomicdiscourse' (IA: 20). When the interpretation of a megalithicstructure and the `art' on its walls seems straightforward, thesuggestion is that the `reading' is `controlled'. Thus, forinstance, `the provision of a passage may suggest that the monument wasto be primarily approached, encountered and interpreted from a singleprescribed direction' (IA: 213). But architectural complexity alsoimplies an attempt to ensure that the `correct' reading is made(IA: 92). At the same time, it is also claimed to contain the potentialfor multiple readings. In `the axe and the torso', the Thomas & Tilley account ofthe Breton megaliths, it is asserted that some of the carvings on Bretonmegaliths - and indeed the plan of Barnenez - represent the humanrib-cage, and that since we have 12 ribs, the argument is supported whenthe rib-like elements among the carvings number about 12. But Barnenezstarted out as a cairn cairn,pile of stones, usually conical in shape, raised as a landmark or a memorial. In prehistoric times it was usually erected over a burial. A barrow is sometimes called a cairn. containing five chambers, with a distinctivecentral one; and other cairns contain varying numbers of passage-graves.Did they also represent bits of rib-cages? This blurring of the argumentoccurs frequently. Figure 6.18 sets drawings of `dagger' carvingsbeside drawings of the human sternum sternum:see rib. from medical text-books, and thecaption invites us to deny the difference. But the difference is veryclear! A circle with a dot inside is a breast, apparently, even whenthere are four on one side of the `body' and three on another (LesPierres Plates). And when a relatively simple interpretation eventuallybecomes hard to sustain in its original form, they play the Catal HuyukDefence (IA: 268):`the ambiguity is intentional ... depending upon context andassociation, any or all of these significations might be intended ...particular meanings would have been drawn out ... through discourse, inan interpretive ritual practice.... The way in which all of the figuresin the Gavrinis art run into one another is like an allegory forlanguage itself, in which signifiers "run on" into each other,and nothing can be finally pinned down.'This was doubtless true in the Breton Neolithic; but, conveniently,and unnervingly for the reader, it is also a licence for the authors tosay anything they wish. This kind of approach did not carry much conviction when O.G.S.Crawford tried it in The eye goddess (1958); for this reviewer, it doesnot do so here. If only a set of more independent arguments could bemade to converge on the same conclusions! Clearly, the richest contextsfor interpreting the meaning of material culture in this ratherimmediate sense occur in ethnography, ethnohistory eth��no��his��to��ry?n.The study of especially native or non-Western peoples from a combined historical and anthropological viewpoint, using written documents, oral literature, material culture, and ethnographic data. and documentedhistory - which is ironic considering the prominence of prehistorians indeveloping the approach. For prehistorians, on the other hand, themiddle part of the continuum sketched above looks more promising - andthe other end at least very interesting. These volumes inevitably raise the question: in the post-modernworld, how are we to judge what, if anything, constitutes`progress' in historical inquiry, and in what sense - if any - dowe need such a concept? Despite persistent rumours of the death ofpositivism positivism(pŏ`zĭtĭvĭzəm), philosophical doctrine that denies any validity to speculation or metaphysics. Sometimes associated with empiricism, positivism maintains that metaphysical questions are unanswerable and that the only and of politically neutral archaeologies, most archaeologistswill instinctively prefer to see the rhetoric of philosophy directedtowards increasing our knowledge of the past - rather than seeingarchaeological data used to support a philosophical stance already opento judgement in its own terms. If post-processual studies turn out to beevasive or cavalier in their approach to archaeological data, we areleft wondering just how much has been `established' about the past.The upshot is that, deservedly or not, the philosophical stance itselfmay appear to have been discredited among archaeologists who do not havetime or inclination to go back to the original debates. Sometime in thefuture, the very theorists who first sensitized us to the ideologicalpenetration of our discipline may find their writings cited as evenbetter examples of the same phenomenon. To ask for academic rigour rig��our?n. Chiefly BritishVariant of rigor.rigouror US rigorNoun1. isdoubtless deemed a repressive demand, especially if it is done fromwithin the `patriarchal gerontocracy' (IA: 407) of university-basedarchaeology. And to be fair, many prehistorians, faced with such arequest, would not feel altogether comfortable; most have abandoned theminimalist scepticism which used to pass for source-criticism, and whichcertainly was repressive. But then again, can we allow those who writeabout the past to place themselves effectively above criticism, usingrhetoric to perform an Indian rope-trick? Post-processualists should also reflect upon their mantra-likerepetition of words coined by writers from other disciplines to meettheir particular needs. In terms of the engagement between theory anddata, Richard Bradley's Altering the earth (1993) covers a gooddeal of the same ground as the two volumes under review here, butmanages to convey its meaning without the transferred technology of theself, recursive self-interpretational self-constitution, and so on. For all theorists, the tension between writing as if they havediscovered something about the past and trying to demonstrate how thearchaeological record supports their theoretical stance cannot be wishedaway, but there is a strong case for more humility and more clarity inthis area. We need to be ready to discuss alternatives, to pick up theironies in our own work, and to acknowledge the cussedness cuss��ed?adj. Informal1. Perverse; stubborn.2. Cursed.cussed��ly adv. of data whichsimply will not bear the weight of our theoretical ambitions. Is it toomuch to hope that, while more old-fashioned archaeologists develop ataste for critique, post-processualists will become more interested insource-criticism? ReferencesBradley, R. 1993. Altering the earth: the origins of monuments inBritain and continental Europe. Edinburgh: Society of Antiquaries ofScotland The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland is the senior antiquarian body in Scotland, with its headquarters, collections, archive, and lecture theatre in the Royal Museum, Chambers Street, Edinburgh. The Society plays an important role in the cultural life and heritage of Scotland. . 1994. Symbols and signposts - understanding the pre-historicpetroglyphs of the British Isles, in C. Renfrew & E. Zubrow (ed.),The ancient mind: elements of cognitive archaeology: 95-106. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). . Crawford, O.G.S. 1958. The eye goddess.London: Phoenix House. Gosden, C. 1994. Social being and time. Oxford:Blackwell. Thomas, C. 1994. And shall these mute stones speak? Cardiff:University of Wales Affiliated institutionsCardiff University Cardiff was once a full member of the University but has now left (though it retains some ties). When Cardiff left, it merged with the University of Wales College of Medicine (which was also a former member). Press.

Interpreting ritual as performance and theory Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania 2010 distinguished lecture.

Interpreting ritual as performance and theory Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania 2010 distinguished lecture. INTRODUCTION Invitation to address the Association for Social Anthropology inOceania (ASAO ASAO Association for Social Anthropology in OceaniaAsAo Ascending AortaASAO Advanced Space Analysis Office (NASA Lewis Research Center)ASAO Association of Shows and Agricultural Organisations (UK)) offered the opportunity to look back at my ongoingresearch on ritual and its association with structured movement systemsand dance. (1) I have re-searched my fieldwork that has taken me to fourdifferent parts of the world, and I present four short case studies(from Hawaii, Tonga, Bulgaria, and India) concluding with remarks on thestudy of ritual, this, a slippery concept that needs further researchand updating. I am interested in the relationships between dance andritual and especially in how dances are presented today and what theyare said to represent from the ritual past. Ritual has been of special interest to many anthropologists sincethe beginning of the discipline and many important insights have derivedfrom research in Oceania. But, except for a few memorable studies, suchas Alfred Gell Alfred (Antony Francis) Gell (June 12, 1945-January 28, 1997) was a British social anthropologist whose most influential work concerned art, language, symbolism and ritual. among the Umeda in New Guinea New Guinea(gĭn`ē), island, c.342,000 sq mi (885,780 sq km), SW Pacific, N of Australia; the world's second largest island after Greenland. (1985) and Andree Grauamong the Tiwi of Australia (2001), little research has focused onbodily movement as part of ritual structure. Yet, Maurice Bloch noted,'I very much doubt that an event observed by an anthropologistwhich did not contain the three elements of [ritualized speech, singing,and dancing] would ever be described ... as a ritual. In other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke"put differently ,these phenomena have been implicitly taken as the distinguishing marksof ritual' (1974:57). Here, I bring 'movement,' as one ofritual's distinguishing marks, to center stage to explore if andhow ritual movement and dance are related. What ritual and dance oftenshare is that they manipulate (i.e., handle with skill) human bodies intime and space resulting in structured movement systems. These aresystems of knowledge that are socially and culturally constructed:Created by, known and agreed upon Adj. 1. agreed upon - constituted or contracted by stipulation or agreement; "stipulatory obligations"stipulatorynoncontroversial, uncontroversial - not likely to arouse controversy by a group of people, and primarilypreserved in memory. Though transient, movement systems have structuredcontent. They can be visual manifestations of social relations, thesubjects of elaborate aesthetic systems, and may assist in understandingcultural values. HAWAI'I My interest in Hawaiian ritual arose from my study of Hawaiiandance, a structured movement system today called hula. I wasparticularly interested in hula pahu, a small group of dances that aresaid to be the remnants of pre-Christian rituals, and I wrote a book onthe subject of Hawaiian Drum Dances (Kaeppler 1993). My research, whichI began in 1970s and continued through the 1990s, recorded and analyzedthe hula pahu of the three main schools that still performed and taughtthese dances. Since my original research, only one of these schools isstill alive and well and I will focus on performances of this school,now known as the Zuttermeister School under the direction of Kumu Hula(master teacher) Noenoelani Zuttermeister. In performances by this school that include hula pahu, there isalways a ritual beginning. Kumu Noenoelani opens with an oli (a specifickind of chant) that calls upon the gods to inspire and surround theperformers with the energy of nature. The performers respond with a melekahea asking permission to enter onto the performance space. They oftenuse one which originated from the traditional epic of the volcanogoddess Pele. Kumu Noenoelani answers and invites them to enter.Noenoelani uses the pahu drum which, according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Hawaiian tradition,was brought to Hawai'i from an ancient homeland known as Kahiki byLa'amaikahiki, sometime around AD1250. These drums were sounded inoutdoor temples called heiau A heiau is a Hawaiian temple comprised of a stone platform with various structures built upon it. The structures on the platform were used to house priests, sacred ceremonial drums, sacred items, and cult images representing the associated with that particular temple. , and they remain instruments of power andsacredness. The sound of the drum is called kani and the head of thedrum is waha (mouth). Hawaiians believe that playing the drum was a wayof communicating with their gods. The pahu is carved from a single treetrunk, usually from breadfruit breadfruit:see mulberry. breadfruitFruit of either of two closely related trees belonging to the mulberry family. Artocarpus communis (also called A. incisa or A. altilis) provides a staple food of the South Pacific. or coconut, and the waha is typicallycovered by sharkskin shark��skin?n.1. The skin of a shark.2. Leather made from the skin of a shark.3. A rayon and acetate fabric having a smooth, somewhat shiny surface. or, today, with cowhide cow��hide?n.1. a. The hide of a cow.b. The leather made from this hide.2. A strong heavy flexible whip, usually made of braided leather.tr.v. . It is lashed with coconutsennit fiber in which the maker's prayers were captured to remainwith the pahu for its lifetime. The pahu is accompanied by a small kneedrum, called puniu or kilu, made of a coconut shell base and coveredwith the skin of the kala or surgeonfish. The pahu is struck with thepalm of the hand while the kilu is struck with a fiber beater beat��er?n.1. One that beats, especially a device for beating: a carpet beater.2. A person who drives wild game from under cover for a hunter. called ka. Three dances are usually performed in the pahu tradition: 1. Kaulilua I Ke Anu O Waialeale is one of the oldest dances tosurvive from rituals used on the heiau (outdoor temples). This was laterbrought into hula and perpetuated by a few practitioners whose roots canbe traced back to the 19th century. The poetry has kaona, or hiddenmeaning, in which the cold and rain of Mt. Waialeale on the island ofKaua'i is a metaphor for fertility rituals of the god Lono; 2. Aloha EKe Kai O Kalalau is also from Kaua'i and describesthe ahi lele, or fire brands, which were thrown from Kamaile at the topof a steep cliff called Makana. The firebrands were tossed into the windto be carried twirling Twirling is any of several artforms, hobbies, or sport and recreational activities accomplished by spinning or rotating the twirled object either for exercise, or in a rhythmic, or otherwise artful manner. far out to sea where Hawaiian chiefs watched intheir canoes. This hula preserves a ritual based on fire chantsassociated with the god Kanaloa and inherited by King Kalakaua in the19th century; 3. Hanohano ka uka Pihanakalani preserves a ritual that involves asacred flute called Kanikawi; in the 19th century, this became a leichant in honor of Queen Kapi'olani. Although these dances, and a few others, have been preserved in thepresent hula tradition, in old Hawai'i there were three contexts inwhich structured movement systems were performed. In order to understandritual, I found it was necessary to sort out traditional Hawaiianconceptualizations regarding structured movement by going back to thebasic performance of structured movements in traditional contexts,rather than simply analyzing present-day hula. The three structured movement systems in old Hawai'i included,first, mourning ceremonies in which movements accompanied kanikau(lamentations). These movements were formulaic and involved locking thefingers of the hands and putting them behind the head, stretching handsand arms upwards with palms turned towards each other, and beating thebreast. A second structured movement system, called ha'a, was usedduring sacred ceremonies on heiau. These movements appear to have beenbased on an asymmetrical processional in a bent-knee stance, performedin conjunction with a chanted text and pahu. They were performed byimage bearers and carriers of other sacred objects Sacred ObjectsArk of the Covenantgilded wooden chest in which God’s presence dwelt when communicating with the people. [O.T. such as kapu kapu (kä·pōō),n in the Hawaiian culture, a code of taboos, strictly practiced until the midnineteenth century. Violators of the code were banished or put to death. sticksand sacred cords which were 'tools' of the kahuna (person) kahuna - /k*-hoo'n*/ (From the Hawaiian title for a shaman) An IBM synonym for wizard or guru. (priests).Finally, a third structured movement system, hula, was used in formal(and informal) entertainment. Movements included a series of lower-bodymotifs performed symmetrically and a wide variety of hand/arm motifsthat alluded to words of the text and were performed in conjunction witha variety of sound-producing instruments. Although the movement'products' (i.e., the movement motifs performed simultaneouslyand sequentially) may have been somewhat similar in all theseactivities, the contexts in which they were performed differed. Theywere movement dimensions of separate activities, were terminologicallydifferentiated, and the reason or intention for performance differed. The first two contexts might be termed 'ritual' However,the Hawaiian language does not have a term that accurately translatesour anthropological concept. In both the mourning ceremonies and in theheiau context, the specialized Hawaiian performers carried out what RoyRappaport Roy A. Rappaport (1926–1997) was a distinguished anthropologist known for his contributions to the anthropological study of ritual and to ecological anthropology. Rappaport received his Ph.D. at Columbia University and then held a position at the University of Michigan. has described as 'more or less invariant (programming) invariant - A rule, such as the ordering of an ordered list or heap, that applies throughout the life of a data structure or procedure. Each change to the data structure must maintain the correctness of the invariant. sequences offormal acts and utterances not encoded by the performers'(1979:175). That is, these movements were handed down by ancestors andtheir function was to worship specific gods--primarily Lono, god ofpeace and agriculture, but also Ku, the god of war. Some structuredmovements dealt with the manipulation of sacred cords and tying/binding.There was a restricted set of movements that were performed inconjunction with specific texts. Structured movements did not transferfrom one text to another nor change from performance to performance;that is, they were constricted or restricted orders. Essentially, theycould not be re-choreographed, or re-ordered, but were reproduced andrepeated each time they were performed (or at least that was theintention). Performers were men and the primary audience was the gods who wereconcerned with the process--that is, that the act of performing wasbeing carried out. Other audience members included the assembledcongregation which watched the movement specialists, raising their armsat specific junctures, and who were reassured that the rituals of peace,agriculture, fertility, and sometimes preparations for war were beingcarried out on their behalf. They witnessed that the form or structureof the movements in a fixed relationship to one another was properlyperformed. The medium, i.e., the performance, was the message with anencoded metamessage. The performance of ha'a, as this structured movement systemwas called, was necessary to the religious and political order of oldHawai'i. This was a social contract among chiefs, people, and thegods; a liturgical order that through its performance worshipped thegods who then looked favorably on the performers and the congregationand their requests. In the 21st century, the remnants of these ritualshave today been incorporated into the formal hula category of hula pahu. TONGA My study of Tongan ritual derived from my being in Tonga duringceremonies associated with the death of Queen Salote Tupou III in 1965and with the investiture investiture,in feudalism, ceremony by which an overlord transferred a fief to a vassal or by which, in ecclesiastical law, an elected cleric received the pastoral ring and staff (the symbols of spiritual office) signifying the transfer of the office. of King Tupou IV in 1967 (as well as thesubsequent investitures of several other chiefs, nobles, and the presentKing Tupou V in 2008). Although dances were performed at some of theseevents, Tongans do not conceptualize con��cep��tu��al��ize?v. con��cep��tu��al��ized, con��cep��tu��al��iz��ing, con��cep��tu��al��iz��esv.tr.To form a concept or concepts of, and especially to interpret in a conceptual way: that dance derives from ritual eventhough some of the arm movements in kava (Piper methysticum Piper methysticum,n See kava. ) ceremoniesare virtually the same as arm movements used in what they today wouldconsider to be 'dance.' Again, to understand local meanings ofdance, I found that it was necessary to sort out traditional Tonganconceptualizations regarding structured movement by going back to basicacts of performing structured movements in original contexts, ratherthan simply analyzing present-day dance style and technique. One important structured movement tradition takes place during themixing of kava. This was first described during the third voyage ofCaptain James Cook and illustrated by expedition artist John Webber.Traditionally, kava root was chewed (by young people with good teeth)and placed into a wooden bowl before it was mixed with water and drunkby the assembled group during state ceremonies. As the gods gave kava topeople, it was appropriate for people to offer it back to the gods.European disgust at ingesting something that someone else had previouslychewed influenced this kava-drinking society to find a new way toprepare it--namely by crushing kava root with one stone upon another. Atvarious times during the past two centuries, kava was thought to besimilar to alcohol, then to be closer to a narcotic narcotic,any of a number of substances that have a depressant effect on the nervous system. The chief narcotic drugs are opium, its constituents morphine and codeine, and the morphine derivative heroin.See also drug addiction and drug abuse. , but it is nowgenerally considered a relaxant relaxant/re��lax��ant/ (re-lak��sant)1. lessening or reducing tension.2. an agent that so acts.muscle relaxant and soporific soporific/sop��o��rif��ic/ (sop?o-rif��ik) (so?po-rif��ik)1. producing deep sleep.2. hypnotic (2).sop��o��rif��icadj.1. . It is essentially a'downer' and encourages agreement rather than violence. It wasthought to have sacred powers and to promote sociability. Its chemicalproperties vary according to how it is prepared and by how much water isused in its dilution. Kava mixing bowls are usually shallow to enable amixer to knead knead?tr.v. knead��ed, knead��ing, kneads1. To mix and work into a uniform mass, as by folding, pressing, and stretching with the hands: kneading dough.2. macerated root and then further crush it in the bowl,after which the fluid is wrung wrung?v.Past tense and past participle of wring.wrungVerbthe past of wringwrungwring with a fiber strainer to remove leftoverfiber and bits of root. All kava preparation movements are prescribed and ordered.Deviation is not allowed. Structured movement begins with displaying theempty kava bowl to the ceremonial attendants at the far side of the ovalperforming space. These matapule continue to monitor the ritualpreparatory movements and they will stop the ceremony if something isdone incorrectly. Movements are precise and are performed in aprescribed order including how the kava root is squeezed with water, howthe fiber strainer is manipulated, shaken, and then discarded. The kavais then squeezed into the cup with the fiber strainer and served andreceived with two hands. Even how a server stands when waiting to servethe kava cup is prescribed. Finally, the serving order as called out bythe ritual leader also follows specific rules. According to Tongan tradition, a high chief arrived unannounced ata small Tongan island in the midst Adv. 1. in the midst - the middle or central part or point; "in the midst of the forest"; "could he walk out in the midst of his piece?"midmost of a famine. Lack of food to feed thechief led the couple living on the island to kill their leprous lep��rous?adj.1. Having leprosy.2. Of, relating to, or resembling leprosy.3. Biology Having or consisting of loose, scurfy scales. daughter, Kava'onau, bake her in an earth oven An earth oven or cooking pit is one of the most simple and long-used cooking structures - a simple pit dug in the ground to hold heated materials for food to be cooked over. Earth ovens have been used in many places and cultures in the past. , and serve her tothe chief. He refused to eat the girl and directed the couple to buryher instead. From her interred body grew the first kava plant (namedafter the daughter) and also the first sugarcane plant. A rat, eatingthe kava plant became disoriented (or drunk) and then ate the sugarcaneplant and was refreshed. This sacrifice of Kava'onau and the plantsthat derived from her body embed Tongan values of social interaction andhierarchy including the importance of hospitality, the use of certainfood and drink to acknowledge an individual's rank, and theelegance of preparation and presentation. Based on these values, kavapreparation ceremony became institutionalized as an important ritualthat expresses proper relationships among gods, chiefs, and people. Atthe center of this ritual is the kava bowl. considered today a ritualobject. Like Hawaiian, the Tongan language This article is about the Polynesian language of the kingdom of Tonga. For unrelated languages with similar names, see Tongan language (disambiguation).Tongan (lea fakatonga) is an Austronesian language spoken in Tonga. does not have a term thatconveys the concept of 'ritual.' Although there are numerousevents that could be described as ritual, these are simply part of thecycle of life such as funerals which entail wearing large ragged mats,or the importance of ceremonial (or ritual) attendants calledha'atufunga, who carry out much of their work in secret. Tongansrevere Revere,city (1990 pop. 42,786), Suffolk co., E Mass., a residential suburb of Boston, on Massachusetts Bay; settled c.1630, set off from Chelsea and named for Paul Revere 1871, inc. as a city 1914. these ceremonies as a central part of their tradition and ananalysis of structured movements used in these important ceremonies ledme to a larger exploration of kava ceremony in a contemporaryperspective and its association with dance, especially as many Tongandance movements reproduce those of kava mixing. Although kava ceremonieshave been part of the anthropological literature for decades, themovements have been seldom mentioned (but see Kaeppler 1985) To evoke Rappaport's definition again, the kava mixers,servers, and drinkers carry out 'more or less invariant sequencesof formal acts and utterances' not originated by them. The ritualsequence was handed down by ancestors and today a kava ceremonygenerates and regenerates a covenant between chiefs and people.Performers are usually men who sit in a specified layout in a sacredperforming space, and are served in a specific order depending on theirplace in the hierarchical order of chiefly lines. Participants alsoinclude the gods, who were traditionally concerned with the process, andhumans to whom the ceremony is relevant. Again, the medium, i.e., theperformance, is a message with an encoded metamessage. Tongan performance of the kava ceremony is necessary to thepolitical order which is a social contract among chiefs, people, and thegods. The chief (who descended from the gods) directed the old couple inan act that originated the kava plant. The supernatural origin of theplant requires that the drink made from it should not be usedindiscriminately but should be used in the service of the chiefs and thegods in an elegant way. The chief gave kava to ordinary people whosanctify sanc��ti��fy?tr.v. sanc��ti��fied, sanc��ti��fy��ing, sanc��ti��fies1. To set apart for sacred use; consecrate.2. To make holy; purify.3. it with their labor and then give it back to the chiefs and thegods, forming a ritual covenant among them. A Tongan kava ceremony is a socio-political, religious processperformed in an outdoor sacred space sacred space,n space—tangible or otherwise—that enables those who acknowledge and accept it to feel reverence and connection with the spiritual. . The audience comprises the (old)gods and a congregation of believers. The intention is to carry out thetraditions that derived from the pre-Christian gods who will then lookfavorably on the performers and the congregation. The hierarchicalstructure See hierarchical. of the society is encoded in the process. At the same time,this is socio-political theatre in which meaning is aestheticallyencoded in the product and must be derived by a culturally knowledgeableaudience that is engaged by the objects, words, and structuredmovements. For example, a kava ceremony in November 2006, calledpongipongi tapu, installed King Siaosi Tupou V as the new King of Tonga(although his formal investiture did not take place until 2008), as wellas the new Crown Prince Tupouto'a, and the latter's two sonsas 'Ulukalala and Ata. Ritual kava ceremony is alive and well inTonga. Tongan rituals associated with death and funerals are also highlyprescribed including funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner clothing based on the wearing of mats. Howbig and how ragged these mats are indicates the wearer'srelationship to the deceased. The funeral directors (ha'atufunga)are borne on a pall with the coffin. They carry flywhisks which areincorporated into ritual movements. The men who carry the pall movetogether with structured walking motifs and six months later, at the endof the funeral rituals, women use the same ritual walking while carryingtheir presentations of barkcloth Barkcloth is a soft, thick, slightly textured fabric so named because it has a rough surface like that of tree bark. Barkcloth is usually made of densely woven cotton fibers. and mats (which have been rituallyfolded). However, as l noted at the beginning of this section, the structureof Tongan ritual movement is not conceptually related to dance eventhough many hand and arm movements used in dance are similar to, andderived from, structured kava preparation. Kava and funerary ritualsdemand a prescribed ordering of movement while contemporary dance can berechoreographed each time it is performed or even can be choreographedspontaneously (i.e., improvised). Tongan dance is entertainment, anevent of honoring, or a political statement. It is not a ritual. InTonga, there is no such thing as ritual dancing. BULGARIA To broaden our comparison of structured movement and dance andtheir relation to ritual, we might also look to two very differentsocieties I had the chance recently to visit, in which ritual movementremains important (see Ilieva 2001 and Silverman 1983). In May 2005, Itook part in a study group, concerned with ritual complexes, whichvisited Bulgaria. The ritual that we investigated is today associatedwith St. George's day. This is a calendrical ritual based on thecoming of spring which supplicates rainfall for the crops. In Varvara,this takes place in a sacred space at the top of a nearby hill up whichwe walked 15,000 steps, along with church officials, several old womenspecialized in the structured movement aspects of the ritual, and manymembers of the community. The origin of the ritual is pre-Christian andgoes back to a female goddess of the Bronze Age Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the who was worshipped inparts of contemporary Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. The night before St. George's Day, during which the mainritual took place, sheep were brought to Varvara's Catholic Churchto be blessed by the Priest before they were sacrificed and subsequentlyroasted at the top of the hill for a communal feast. Early in themorning of St. George's Day itself, women brought decorated breadto the church that they had baked during the night to be blessed by thePriest, also to be taken up the hill for the feast. In the church, thewomen sang old traditionally-pitched songs accompanied by clappers clap��per?n.1. One who applauds.2. The tongue of a bell.3. Slang The tongue of a garrulous person.4. andthe men sang Christian songs. After the Priest blessed bread, water,sheep, and participants, all began the long trek up the steep hill Steep Hill is a popular tourist street in the historic city of Lincoln, UK.At the top of the hill you will find the entrance to the Cathedral and at the bottom is Well Lane. The Hill consists of independent shops, tea rooms and pubs. .Wearing headbands of oak leaves, the procession was led by the Priestand officials who carried banners featuring St. George on a white horse,followed by a band, old women, and the rest of the community. Along theway, as the procession passed through the village, women showered theprocession with handfuls of grain. After some hours of walking up thehill, the procession arrived at a ritual space where the breadpreviously had been transported and sheep were being barbequed. Musicspecially associated with the ritual along with other music was alsoplayed and enjoyed. One of the main elements of the ritual was a performance ofstructured movement by the old women to bring rain. Several old womenbegan their performance and right on cue it began to rain and continuedraining for some time. Plates of food were distributed to everyone andall went into the tents to eat. These tents had been set up the previousday as 'everyone knew it would rain.' This ritual performance (sometimes referred to as a horo) performedby the old women is distinguished from other Varvara music/dance in thatthe music, movement motifs, and songs are specific for St. George'sDay. The important movement elements here included lower body movementmotifs typical of Balkan dance, but with more emphasis on the leftleg/foot than the right, this emphasizing the ritual concept of theleft. The main movement motif is in four beats: Left foot cross in frontof right foot, right foot to right side, left cross behind, right toright side. The women perform at the top of the hill, mid-way down thehill, and at the bottom of the hill. Also, along the way back down thehill to the starting point Noun 1. starting point - earliest limiting pointterminus a quocommencement, get-go, offset, outset, showtime, starting time, beginning, start, kickoff, first - the time at which something is supposed to begin; "they got an early start"; "she knew from the , the procession stopped at each crossroad sothat the Priest could bless bread for those who were not able to climbthe hill and take part at the sacred space. Most of this seems straightforward in that during the ritual it'always' rains and efficacy is preserved. However, theperformance includes other elements for which people have no explanationand which are done 'because they are part of the ritual.' Forexample, much of the ritual is markedly associated with women. A newlymarried woman will bake bread during the night in a white clay potwearing her wedding dress. Before St. George's Day, a newly marriedwoman often wears her wedding jacket and headwear head��wear?n.A hat or other covering for the head. , but on St.George's Day her mother-in-law changes her headdress headdress,head covering or decoration, protective or ceremonial, which has been an important part of costume since ancient times. Its style is governed in general by climate, available materials, religion or superstition, and the dictates of fashion. for amarried-woman's kerchief. The women also make oak-leaf wreaths. Inthe past, women collected herbs and bathed in the dew before sunrise,then bathed in the river where this turns to the left, reflecting themotif that 'everything should be done to the left.' In somevillages, women dance around the bread table three times followed by thePriest who also dances around the table three times. Men bring theirfirst-born male lamb of the year with a candle on its horn to be blessedby the priest. The Priest sings to the lamb and takes the lighted candleand makes the sign of the cross with the candle fire on the forehead ofthe lamb. Several families take their lambs to a crossroad to form a'border-crossing' for the Priest. A man should give salt tohis lamb and have the lamb symbolically cross a border by walking over abelt while facing the east. After sacrificing the lamb, the man shoulddip his finger in the blood and put a spot on the foreheads of children.Then he should put the blood into a river, water, or earth. But why do ritual supplicants in Varvara take part today?Essentially, besides being a ritual that must be performed to bring rainfor the crops, St. George's Day has become an identity festival anda mechanism of renewal of what it means to be Bulgarian. Traditionalstructured movement, ritually performed, connotes present-day politicalidentities. INDIA During the second week of February, 2009, I traveled with eightstudents and three faculty members of the Jawaharlal Nehru University The sprawling campus of Jawaharlal Nehru University (जवाहरलाल नेहरू विश्वविद्यालय ) ,where I was teaching, to document the Yarlamma ritual in Karnataka. Muchof this ritual has been banned by the government because of itsassociation with prostitution. The ritual relates to a myth of a womanwho was beheaded by her son, told to do so by his father after hisbrothers had refused their father's request. The son who performedthe deed was given one wish and he wished that his mother's headwould be restored. It was, and it multiplied. Many temples have beendedicated to Yarlamma in various places in south India South India is a commonly used term that is used in India to refer to the South-of-India or Southern India. The Southern part of the Indian peninsula is a linguistic-cultural region of India that comprises the four states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu and the . Traditionally,the original ritual involved dedication of women as temple devadasis.Subsequently, eunuchs (as well as hermaphrodites and transvestites) alsobecame part of the ritual to be likewise dedicated to Yarlamma. Thousands of people are now devotees and thousands of others attendthe festival each year (including police which seems remarkable for abanned ritual). Devotees come primarily from marginalized groups withtheir own sub-cultures who wish to preserve their own way of doingthings, their own traditions. People arrive in decorated covered wagons(pulled by bullocks) and sleep in these during the ceremony. We sawhundreds of these carts, and many smaller scale rituals took placewithin the wider temple area. Some components of the main ritual nolonger occur (or at least that is the official stance), for example aparade of unclothed women and the dedication of young girls who arechosen because of their knotted hair. But priests and instrumentalistscontinue to lead devotees to a pool where they bathe, and then to thetemple which is entirely covered with yellow turmeric turmeric:see ginger. turmericPerennial herbaceous plant (Curcuma longa; family Zingiberaceae), native to southern India and Indonesia. Its tuberous rhizomes have been used from antiquity as a condiment, as a textile dye, and medically as an , red ochre Red ochre and yellow ochre (pronounced /'əʊk.ə/, from the Greek ochros, yellow) are pigments made from naturally tinted clay. It has been used worldwide since prehistoric times. , andvermilion vermilion,vivid red pigment of durable quality. It is a chemical compound of mercury and sulfur and is known as red sulfide of mercury; it was formerly obtained by grinding pure cinnabar but is now commonly prepared synthetically. thrown by those attending (and so were we). There, devoteespetition the goddess for good health, fertility (especially for sons),and other hopes for the future. Many of the villagers who participatedcarried a figure of the goddess's head on their own heads, which isimportant for an association with Yarlamma. We also found a fair withbooths selling a variety of goods from saris for the goddess figures, tovermilion, to CDs. Important structured movement elements during the ritual includedsupplication by placing oneself flat on the ground, over and over,moving clockwise around the temple, and facing the temple where thegoddess resides. The movements of the devidasas (male and female,jokomas and jokopas) that honored the goddess were simplified versionsof traditional Indian dance genres including typical lower body motifsand also hand/arm movements with a distant relationship to Hindu mudra(ritual movements). RITUAL CONCEPTS The structured movement components observed in these fourtraditions call attention to anthropological approaches to ritualitself. When I first studied anthropology, there were no classes offeredthat focused on ritual. I recall instead only passing mention of ritualin classes such as History of Anthropological Theory where we wereintroduced to Durkheim and van Gennep, primarily in the contexts ofreligion and rites of passage respectively. Just what is ritual and doesthis remain a viable analytic concept? We commonly use terms such as'ritual object,' 'ritual music,' 'ritualspeech,' or 'ritual dancing' without much criticalthought about their implications. Rituals are usually taken to beancient and traditional and associated objects or performances are thusalso thought to be traditional and ancient. As noted earlier, Roy Rappaport defined ritual as 'theperformance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts andutterances not encoded by the performers' (1979:175). That is,these formal acts and utterances are learned/memorized (or read) fromthe teachings of ancestors and do not originate with the performer.Rappaport suggested that a ritual is 'a form or structure ...[having] a number of features or characteristics in a more or less fixedrelationship to one another' that can exist only in performance.The medium (i.e., the performance of structured movement) is part of themessage; more precisely, it is a metamessage about whatever is encodedin the ritual. Similarly, Vilsoni Hereniko, a Rotuman anthropologist andperformance artist, has noted the received rather than creative aspectsof ritual performance: traditional rituals and ceremonies ... did not make sense to me ... [because] no one explained to me the reasons certain rituals had to be performed on special occasions, or why these rituals had to follow a prescribed order ... I did not feel it was appropriate to ask or probe into the reasons or meanings of these acts or actions. (2005:103) And Valero Valeri, who wrote extensively on Hawaiian rituals, alsoobserved that 'rituals are practices in which the participants donot believe themselves to be the authors of what they do, believinginstead that their ritual significations are authorized and prescribedby a superior authority' (quoted in Kelly and Kaplan, 1990:139). This emphasis on prescribed movement is evident in all of my fourcase studies, where participants felt that their ritual performances hadcome down to them from ancestors and had to be enacted in the prescribedmanner else they would not be effective. Structured movement used inHawaiian hula pahu, Tongan kava mixing and presentation, and theBulgarian rain dance could not be changed but had to be performed thesame way each time. In each case, the ritual encompassed a message thatneeded to be performed. Indeed, it was the process of performing thatensured fertility, cemented a social contract with the gods, or broughtthe rain. If structured movements were not performed as given, therewould be a lack of offspring in nature and humans (as happened in 19thcentury Hawai'i). The social contract between chiefs, people, andthe gods might not be renewed in Tonga. And rain for the crops might notcome in Bulgaria. And for devotees of Yarlamma, if the ritual processwas not performed, requests for sons, restoration of health, and thelike would not be granted. Rituals are similar to what Frits Staal in Discovering the Vedas(2009) characterized as Kautsa's fifth thesis. That is, rituals,like mantras, have no meaning. They are learned by heart throughmemorization rather than through less conscious learning like becomingskilled in a first language. In the four cases above, memorizationplayed an important part and questions about the process were not asked.Even the indigenous scholar Hereniko felt he should not probe into themeanings of structured movement or other ritual components. According to these theorists and my own research, ritualparticipants may not fully understand what they are doing, only that itis necessary to do it. (2) How, then, does ritual relate to the moreinclusive category of performance and especially to theatre and evenspectacle? One basic difference between ritual and theatre is that eventhough a dramatic script was written by someone else, the acts areencoded by the performers. Rather than the performance itself being themessage, the message in theatre is derived from the performance. Intheatre. performers do understand what they are doing and it is theproduct that is the message (not the process of performance itself).Although process and product are important in both ritual and theatre,in ritual the process is primary. In theater the product is primary. (3) As a specialist in structured movement associated with music,dance, and poetry, I interrogate our conceptual link betweenmusic/dance/poetic speech and ritual. In spite of what Maurice Bloch(1974) has declared, perhaps these practices are not intrinsicallyrelated at all and it is our lack of indigenous knowledge andcategorization that encourages us to relate them. Practitionersthemselves may not be 'musicking' or 'dancing'(concepts derived from our own Western tradition) but rather'ritually intoning and moving' (though using the same ordifferent sound and movement systems). I propose that there are three important elements in thecomparative study of ritual: (1) What is the intention of theperformance and the presenters?: (2) Efficacy, or does it work, at leastoften enough to continue doing it. and is the intention realized?: and(3) What knowledge do the viewers/beholders bring to a performance asthis shapes how it will be decoded, as ritual, or as theatre, or asspectacle. In contrast, important elements for the analysis ofstructured movement are: (1) Is there an indigenous category thatcompares to the Western concept of dance and, if so, how does this fitwith other structured movement systems in that society?; (2) How isdance learned in specific societies, for example, is it learned as amovement 'language' (rather than by memorization)?; (3) Whatis (are) the function(s) or intention(s) of this category of movement?;and (4), How is meaning derived from a performance, and are aestheticsan important element in choreography and performance? My interest lies in understanding how meaning is derived fromritual (and dance and other structured movement), how the flame of anevent must be understood in order to derive its meaning, how intentionand cultural evaluation can be understood in terms of that event'sframe, the necessity of understanding the activities that generaterituals, and how and by whom ritual and its efficacy are judged. But, asthis is a work in progress, I intend to keep on researching ritualcomparatively to discern if it is, in fact, a viable analytical categoryand why structured movement systems are important in its presentationand re-presentation. REFERENCES BLOCH, M. 1974. Symbols, Song, Dance and Features of Articulation:Is Religion an Extreme Form of Traditional Authority? European Journalof Sociology, 15:55-81. GELL, A. 1985. Style and Meaning in Umeda Dance. In P. Spencer(ed.), Society and the Dance: The Social Anthropology of Performance andProcess, pp. 183-205. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). . GRAU, A. 2001. Ritual Dance and 'Modernisation': The TiwiExample. Yearbook for Traditional Music 33:73-81. HERENIKO, V. 2005. Dressing and Undressing the Bride and Groom at aRotuman Wedding. In S. Kuchler and G. Were (eds.), The Art of Clothing:A Pacific Experience, pp. 103-09. London: UCL UCL University College LondonUCL Universit�� Catholique de LouvainUCL UEFA Champions LeagueUCL Upper Confidence LimitUCL University of Central LancashireUCL Upper Control LimitUCL Unfair Competition LawUCL Ulnar Collateral Ligament Press. ILIEVA, A. 2001. Bulgarian Folk Dance during The Socialist Era,1944-1989. Yearbook for Traditional Music 33: 123-126. KAEPPLER, A. L. 1985. Structured Movement Systems in Tonga. In P.Spencer (ed.), Society and the Dance: The Social Anthropology ofPerformance and Process, pp. 92-118. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress. 1993. Hula Pahu Hawaiian Drum Dances. Volume l. Ha'a and HulaPahu: Sacred Movements. Honolulu: Bishop Museum. 2010. The Beholder's Share: Viewing Music and Dance in aGlobalized World. Ethnomusicology ethnomusicologyScholarly study of the world's musics from various perspectives. Although it had antecedents in the 18th and early 19th centuries, the field expanded with the development of recording technologies in the late 19th century. 54(2): 185-201. KELLY, J. D., and M. Kaplan. 1990. History, Structure, and Ritual.Annual Review of Anthropology 19:119-50. RAPPAPORT, R. A. 1979. Ritual. In E. Barnouw (ed.), TheInternational Encyclopedia of Communication, vol. 3: 467-473. New York New York, state, United StatesNew York,Middle Atlantic state of the United States. It is bordered by Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the Atlantic Ocean (E), New Jersey and Pennsylvania (S), Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Canadian province of :Oxford University Press. SILVERMAN, C. 1983. The Politics of Folklore in Bulgaria.Anthropological Quarterly 56 (2): 55-61. STAAL, F. 2009. Discovering the Vedas: Origins, Rituals, Insights.New York: Penguin Global. Adrienne L. Kaeppler Smithsonian Institution NOTES (1.) I thank ASAO for the invitation to present this lecture at its2010 annual meeting in Old Town, Alexandria, Virginia in very snowyconditions. (2.) Some ritual specialists would give more agency to performersthemselves, but my analysis agrees with that of Valeri. (3.) I have just published an article on how viewers decode ritual,theatre, and spectacle Kaeppler (2010), I will not elaborate this here.